Prashant Kishor Must Be Jan Suraaj’s CM Candidate

Prashant Kishor: Bihar 2025

Why Prashant Kishor Must Be Jan Suraaj’s CM Candidate and Offer a Concrete Five-Year Program for Bihar’s 2025 Elections  

Prashant Kishor, the master political strategist turned politician, has embarked on an ambitious mission to transform Bihar’s political landscape with his Jan Suraaj party. Launched in October 2024 after a 3,000-km padyatra across the state, Jan Suraaj aims to challenge the entrenched caste-based politics of the Janata Dal (United) (JD(U)), Rashtriya Janata Dal (RJD), and Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP). However, Kishor’s decision to not project himself as the Chief Minister (CM) candidate for the 2025 Bihar Assembly elections risks undermining Jan Suraaj’s electoral prospects. For a new party seeking to disrupt a decades-old political order, Kishor must be the face of the campaign and present a clear, actionable five-year program to galvanize voters. Without these, Jan Suraaj is likely to falter, unable to convert its anti-establishment rhetoric into a mandate. Here’s why.

The Necessity of Kishor as the CM Candidate

In Bihar’s personality-driven political arena, voters gravitate toward identifiable leaders who embody their aspirations. Kishor, with his proven track record of orchestrating electoral victories for leaders like Narendra Modi, Nitish Kumar, and Mamata Banerjee, is Jan Suraaj’s biggest asset. His padyatra, which covered 5,000 villages since October 2022, has made him a recognizable figure, with recent polls showing his popularity rising to 17.2% as a CM choice, trailing only Tejashwi Yadav (35.5%) and Nitish Kumar (15%). By refusing to declare himself the CM candidate, Kishor risks diluting Jan Suraaj’s appeal in a state where voters seek a clear leadership face.

First, not naming a CM candidate creates ambiguity. Bihar’s electorate, conditioned by decades of voting for charismatic figures like Lalu Prasad Yadav or Nitish Kumar, expects a leader to rally behind. Jan Suraaj’s competitors—Tejashwi Yadav for RJD and Nitish Kumar for JD(U)—are established faces, offering voters certainty about who will lead if they win. Without a declared CM candidate, Jan Suraaj risks appearing directionless, especially as a new party lacking the organizational depth of its rivals. Kishor’s claim in Saran (May 2025) that he is not working to become CM but to fulfill a “dream” for Bihar may resonate ideologically, but it fails to address the practical need for a figurehead to anchor voter trust.

Second, Kishor’s personal brand is Jan Suraaj’s primary differentiator. His reputation as a strategist who engineered the BJP’s 2014 Lok Sabha victory and the Mahagathbandhan’s 2015 Bihar triumph gives him credibility as a governance-focused leader. His high-profile protests, like the January 2025 fast-unto-death over the BPSC exam paper leak, have amplified his visibility, positioning him as a fighter against systemic failures. By stepping back from the CM role, he cedes this advantage to lesser-known figures like Ram Chandra Prasad Singh, a former JD(U) leader whose administrative experience is overshadowed by Kishor’s public persona. Voters may hesitate to back a party whose leader appears unwilling to take responsibility for governance.

Third, not projecting Kishor as the CM candidate weakens Jan Suraaj’s ability to counter anti-incumbency. Bihar’s voters are frustrated with Nitish Kumar’s governance, marked by corruption and migration issues, and skeptical of RJD’s caste-driven promises. Kishor’s narrative of breaking the Lalu-Nitish duopoly resonates, but without positioning himself as the alternative, he risks losing the momentum built through his grassroots campaign. A faceless campaign may struggle to convert voter discontent into votes, especially against the BJP’s well-oiled machinery and Modi’s enduring popularity.

The Need for a Concrete Five-Year Program

Beyond leadership, Jan Suraaj must offer a detailed, actionable five-year program to win voter confidence. Bihar’s challenges—unemployment, migration, poor infrastructure, and education deficits—require a clear roadmap to differentiate Jan Suraaj from the vague promises of its rivals. Kishor’s campaign has emphasized governance over caste politics, but without a specific plan, his rhetoric risks being dismissed as populist sloganeering.

1. Clarity and Trust: A five-year program would provide voters with a tangible vision of what Jan Suraaj stands for. Kishor’s promise to end Bihar’s liquor ban “within an hour” of taking power is a bold start, but it’s insufficient. Voters need specifics on job creation, education reform, and infrastructure development—issues Kishor has highlighted but not fleshed out. For instance, his focus on uplifting Scheduled Castes (SCs) and Extremely Backward Castes (EBCs) could be backed by policies like targeted skill development programs or industrial incentives to curb migration. Without such details, Jan Suraaj risks being seen as another party making empty promises, akin to RJD’s unfulfilled job pledges in 2020.
2. Countering Rivals’ Narratives: The BJP-JD(U) coalition leverages central government schemes like PM Awas Yojana, while RJD promises caste-based reservations and welfare. Jan Suraaj’s lack of a concrete program leaves it vulnerable to being outmaneuvered by these established narratives. A five-year plan outlining, for example, 10 lakh jobs through agro-based industries or decentralized education reforms would give voters a reason to choose Jan Suraaj over the status quo. Kishor’s past campaigns, like the 2015 Bihar election where he used data to identify local issues (e.g., drainage problems), show he understands the power of specific, voter-centric promises. Applying this to Jan Suraaj is critical.
3. Mobilizing Youth and Professionals: Jan Suraaj’s candidate pool includes young professionals, a departure from Bihar’s dynastic politics. A detailed program would energize this base, giving them a platform to rally around. For instance, a plan to digitize governance or establish IT hubs in Patna and Gaya could appeal to Bihar’s aspirational youth, who constitute a significant voting bloc. Kishor’s failure to articulate such a vision risks alienating this demographic, who may otherwise drift to Tejashwi Yadav’s youth-focused rhetoric.
4. Building Credibility as a New Party: Jan Suraaj’s poor performance in the November 2024 bypolls (0/4 seats, 10% vote share) underscores its organizational weaknesses. A concrete program would signal seriousness, helping Jan Suraaj overcome perceptions of being a flash-in-the-pan movement. Kishor’s padyatra has built awareness, but translating this into votes requires a policy framework that voters can trust. For example, a commitment to transparent recruitment for government jobs, addressing the BPSC controversy, could resonate strongly.

The Risks of Inaction

If Kishor persists in avoiding the CM candidacy and fails to present a five-year program, Jan Suraaj’s prospects in the 2025 elections—scheduled for October–November—are grim. Bihar’s voters, while disillusioned, are pragmatic, often choosing parties with clear leadership and promises. The BJP’s organizational strength (backed by Modi’s appeal) and RJD’s loyal Yadav-Muslim base give them an edge. Jan Suraaj’s 10% vote share in bypolls, while promising for a new party, is far from the 30–40% needed for a majority (146/243 seats). Without Kishor as the CM face, voters may see Jan Suraaj as a protest vote rather than a governing alternative, limiting its tally to 20–40 seats at best.

Moreover, a vague campaign risks ceding narrative control to rivals. The BJP could frame Jan Suraaj as untested, while RJD could paint it as elitist, given Kishor’s urban, professional image. A five-year program would counter these attacks, grounding Jan Suraaj in Bihar’s realities. Without it, Kishor’s anti-establishment rhetoric may fizzle, as seen in his 2017 Uttar Pradesh campaign, where the Congress-Samajwadi alliance flopped despite his strategies.

A Path Forward

To maximize Jan Suraaj’s chances, Kishor must embrace the CM candidacy and unveil a bold, detailed five-year program. As the CM face, he can leverage his strategist’s acumen and public recognition to unify voters seeking change. His program should include:

• Job Creation: A plan to generate 10 lakh jobs through agro-industries, IT hubs, and skill training, targeting youth and EBCs.
• Education Reform: Decentralized schools, teacher training, and digital learning to address Bihar’s 50% literacy rate.
• Infrastructure: Investment in rural roads and electricity to curb migration, with timelines and funding sources.
• Anti-Corruption Measures: Transparent recruitment and a digital governance portal to address issues like the BPSC leak.
• Social Equity: Targeted welfare for SCs and EBCs, including scholarships and land reforms, to broaden Jan Suraaj’s appeal.

By leading from the front and offering this vision, Kishor can position Jan Suraaj as a credible alternative, potentially securing 50–70 seats and emerging as a kingmaker, if not a majority winner. His past successes show he knows how to craft winning narratives; now, he must apply that to himself and Jan Suraaj.

Conclusion

Prashant Kishor’s refusal to be Jan Suraaj’s CM candidate and the absence of a concrete five-year program threaten to kneecap the party’s prospects in Bihar’s 2025 elections. In a state where leadership and clarity drive votes, Kishor’s reluctance to lead risks leaving Jan Suraaj rudderless against formidable rivals. A detailed program would give voters a reason to believe in his vision, countering the BJP and RJD’s entrenched narratives. For Jan Suraaj to disrupt Bihar’s politics, Kishor must step up as its face and offer a roadmap that inspires trust. Only then can he translate his padyatra’s momentum into electoral success, proving that his dream for Bihar is more than just a strategist’s gamble.