Pages

Showing posts with label Free trade. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Free trade. Show all posts

Monday, July 21, 2025

American Economists: Quoting Ricardo While Ignoring Keynes?



American Economists: Quoting Ricardo While Ignoring Keynes?

In the summer of 2025, a strange thing is happening in the halls of elite economic institutions across America. Economists—many of whom pride themselves on intellectual rigor and long-view thinking—are in an uproar over tariffs. Again.

Their refrain is familiar: Free trade is good. Tariffs are bad. The ghost of David Ricardo is summoned with ritual regularity, his theory of comparative advantage held up as gospel truth. But beneath this surface-level orthodoxy lies an uncomfortable silence, one that betrays a lack of courage, or worse, a lack of intellectual honesty.

Because there’s another ghost economists are studiously ignoring—John Maynard Keynes.


Ricardo’s Relevance—and Its Limits

Let’s be fair. Ricardo’s principle of comparative advantage is elegant. Two countries, even if one is better at producing everything, both benefit by specializing and trading. It makes sense in the abstract, and to a point, it works.

But David Ricardo was writing in the early 19th century—before industrial-scale capital flows, before global corporations, before artificial intelligence and just-in-time supply chains. He lived in a world where trade was mostly about ships and spices, not chips and satellites.

So quoting Ricardo in 2025 to argue against tariffs without nuance is like prescribing bloodletting in the age of antibiotics.


Keynes Knew Better—And We Ignored Him

John Maynard Keynes, arguably the greatest economic thinker of the 20th century, saw further. At the 1944 Bretton Woods Conference, he warned against what would become the postwar financial order: making the U.S. dollar the central organizing currency of the global economy.

Keynes proposed a different system—one anchored by a neutral international currency (the "bancor") governed by a supranational institution. The goal was clear: prevent persistent trade imbalances, reduce dependency on any single national currency, and preserve domestic industrial capacity in the long run.

But Keynes was sidelined. Politically outmaneuvered by the Americans, his vision was tossed aside in favor of a dollar-centric world. At the time, it was a power move by the U.S.—and it worked. But Keynes warned it wouldn’t last forever without consequences.

And he was right.


The Dollar Trap and the Hollowing of Industry

By cementing the dollar as the world’s reserve currency, the U.S. gained the "exorbitant privilege" of borrowing cheaply and importing endlessly. But it came at a cost: a slowly eroding industrial base.

Running persistent trade deficits is not just an accounting issue—it’s an employment issue. It’s a geography issue. It’s a democracy issue. And over the last 40 years, we've seen the rusting out of factories, the collapse of manufacturing towns, and the rise of economic resentment that fueled populist movements across the spectrum.

What Keynes foresaw has come to pass. Yet the mainstream American economics community remains fixated on Ricardo, as though Keynes never issued his warning.


Where’s the Spine?

It takes intellectual courage to go against the grain, especially when doing so might draw fire from the finance press, political institutions, and your own tenured peers. But the unwillingness of today’s leading economists to openly grapple with the structural consequences of dollar hegemony is astonishing.

Instead, they hand-wave away manufacturing losses as "natural" or inevitable, or worse, frame any challenge to the current trade regime as regressive nationalism.

But is it regressive to question a system that has gutted domestic industry and widened inequality? Is it nationalist to want a diversified economy with real productive capacity?

Or is it simply responsible?


It’s Time for a Reckoning

American economists have a choice to make. They can continue quoting Ricardo like a talisman to ward off the complexity of modern geopolitics. Or they can do what Keynes tried to do—look at the architecture of the global economy and ask: Is this sustainable? Is this just?

The era of automatic deference to “free trade” is over. The questions now are deeper, harder, and more urgent.

And it’s time the economics profession found the courage to ask them.


#KeynesWasRight
#RethinkGlobalTrade
#ManufacturingMatters
#EconomicsWithSpine




अमेरिकी अर्थशास्त्री: रिकार्डो का हवाला, लेकिन केन्स को नज़रअंदाज़?

2025 की गर्मियों में अमेरिका के शीर्ष आर्थिक संस्थानों में एक अजीब सी हलचल है। अर्थशास्त्री—जो खुद को दूरदृष्टि रखने वाले बुद्धिजीवी मानते हैं—टैरिफ्स को लेकर बौखलाए हुए हैं। फिर से।

उनकी पुरानी रट वही है: मुक्त व्यापार अच्छा है। टैरिफ्स बुरे हैं। डेविड रिकार्डो की आत्मा को बार-बार बुलाया जाता है, और उनके तुलनात्मक लाभ सिद्धांत को अंतिम सत्य की तरह पेश किया जाता है। लेकिन इस सतही औपचारिकता के पीछे एक अजीब सी चुप्पी छिपी है—जो या तो साहस की कमी दिखाती है, या फिर बौद्धिक ईमानदारी की।

क्योंकि एक और आत्मा है जिसे ये अर्थशास्त्री लगातार अनदेखा कर रहे हैं—जॉन मेनार्ड केन्स।


रिकार्डो की प्रासंगिकता—और उसकी सीमाएं

न्याय की बात करें तो, रिकार्डो का तुलनात्मक लाभ सिद्धांत आकर्षक है। दो देश, चाहे एक हर चीज़ में बेहतर क्यों न हो, दोनों विशेषीकरण और व्यापार के ज़रिए लाभ पा सकते हैं। सिद्धांत में यह बिल्कुल सटीक लगता है।

लेकिन रिकार्डो 19वीं सदी की शुरुआत में लिख रहे थे—जब वैश्विक कॉरपोरेट्स नहीं थे, जब पूंजी का विशाल प्रवाह नहीं था, जब कृत्रिम बुद्धिमत्ता और वैश्विक आपूर्ति श्रृंखला जैसी जटिलताएं नहीं थीं। वह उस युग में थे जहाँ व्यापार मतलब था—जहाज और मसाले, न कि चिप्स और सैटेलाइट्स।

तो 2025 में रिकार्डो का हवाला देकर टैरिफ का विरोध करना ऐसे है जैसे एंटीबायोटिक युग में ज्वर के इलाज के लिए जोंक लगाना।


केन्स ने पहले ही चेतावनी दी थी—पर हमनें अनदेखा किया

20वीं सदी के सबसे महान आर्थिक चिंतक जॉन मेनार्ड केन्स ने इससे कहीं आगे की सोच रखी। 1944 के ब्रेटन वुड्स सम्मेलन में उन्होंने उस वित्तीय व्यवस्था के खिलाफ चेतावनी दी जिसे बाद में वैश्विक मान्यता मिली: अमेरिकी डॉलर को विश्व मुद्रा का केंद्र बनाना।

केन्स ने एक वैकल्पिक प्रणाली का प्रस्ताव रखा था—एक निष्पक्ष अंतरराष्ट्रीय मुद्रा ("बैंकॉर") पर आधारित प्रणाली, जो किसी एक राष्ट्र के बजाय एक अंतरराष्ट्रीय संस्था द्वारा नियंत्रित होती। उनका लक्ष्य साफ़ था: व्यापार में असंतुलन से बचाव, किसी एक मुद्रा पर निर्भरता से मुक्ति, और दीर्घकालिक रूप से घरेलू उद्योगों की रक्षा।

लेकिन केन्स को किनारे कर दिया गया। अमेरिका की राजनीतिक चालाकी भारी पड़ी। उस समय यह अमेरिका के लिए एक शक्ति प्रदर्शन था—और उसने काम किया। लेकिन केन्स ने चेतावनी दी थी कि इसके दीर्घकालिक दुष्परिणाम होंगे।

और वे बिल्कुल सही साबित हुए।


डॉलर का जाल और उद्योग का क्षय

अमेरिकी डॉलर को दुनिया की आरक्षित मुद्रा बना कर, अमेरिका को एक "अत्यधिक विशेषाधिकार" मिला: सस्ती दरों पर कर्ज लेना और लगातार आयात करते रहना। लेकिन इसकी एक बड़ी कीमत थी: घरेलू औद्योगिक आधार का क्षरण।

लगातार व्यापार घाटे चलाना केवल लेखांकन की बात नहीं है—यह रोजगार का मुद्दा है। यह क्षेत्रीय असंतुलन का मुद्दा है। यह लोकतंत्र का मुद्दा है। पिछले 40 वर्षों में हमने फैक्ट्रियों का जंग लगना देखा है, निर्माण शहरों का ढहना देखा है, और आर्थिक नाराज़गी का विस्फोट देखा है जिसने राजनीतिक व्यवस्था को झकझोर दिया।

जो केन्स ने देखा था, वही हो रहा है। फिर भी आज के अमेरिकी अर्थशास्त्री इस पर चर्चा करने को तैयार नहीं हैं।


साहस कहाँ गया?

धारा के विरुद्ध जाकर सच बोलने में बौद्धिक साहस चाहिए होता है, खासकर जब ऐसा करने पर वित्तीय मीडिया, राजनीतिक ताक़तों, और अपने ही पेशेवर साथियों की आलोचना झेलनी पड़े। लेकिन आज के प्रमुख अर्थशास्त्रियों द्वारा डॉलर प्रभुत्व के ढांचे की आलोचना करने से हिचकिचाहट चौंकाने वाली है।

वे घरेलू विनिर्माण के पतन को “प्राकृतिक प्रक्रिया” कहकर टाल देते हैं, या फिर किसी भी व्यापारिक चुनौती को संकीर्ण राष्ट्रवाद करार देते हैं।

पर क्या यह संकीर्णता है कि कोई पूछे: ऐसा आर्थिक मॉडल जो घरेलू उत्पादन को नष्ट कर रहा है, क्या वह टिकाऊ है?

या यह सिर्फ ज़िम्मेदारी है?


अब आत्ममंथन की आवश्यकता है

अमेरिकी अर्थशास्त्रियों के सामने अब दो रास्ते हैं। या तो वे रिकार्डो को एक जादुई मंत्र की तरह दोहराते रहें, या फिर केन्स की तरह वैश्विक आर्थिक संरचना को गंभीरता से जांचें और पूछें: क्या यह प्रणाली न्यायसंगत है? क्या यह स्थायी है?

अब “मुक्त व्यापार” की लकीर पीटना काफी नहीं। अब सवाल और गहरे हैं, और जवाबों में साहस की ज़रूरत है।

अब वक्त है कि अमेरिकी अर्थशास्त्र में रीढ़ की हड्डी दिखाई दे।


#केन्स_सही_थे
#वैश्विक_व्यापार_पुनर्विचार
#निर्माण_महत्वपूर्ण_है
#साहसी_अर्थशास्त्र






The Drum Report: Markets, Tariffs, and the Man in the Basement (novel)
World War III Is Unnecessary
Grounded Greatness: The Case For Smart Surface Transit In Future Cities
The Garden Of Last Debates (novel)
Deported (novel)
Empty Country (novel)
Trump’s Default: The Mist Of Empire (novel)

The 20% Growth Revolution: Nepal’s Path to Prosperity Through Kalkiism
Rethinking Trade: A Blueprint for a Just and Thriving Global Economy
The $500 Billion Pivot: How the India-US Alliance Can Reshape Global Trade
Trump’s Trade War
Peace For Taiwan Is Possible
Formula For Peace In Ukraine
A 2T Cut
Are We Frozen in Time?: Tech Progress, Social Stagnation
The Last Age of War, The First Age of Peace: Lord Kalki, Prophecies, and the Path to Global Redemption
AOC 2028: : The Future of American Progressivism

Sunday, July 20, 2025

The 2025 India–UK Free Trade Agreement



The 2025 India–UK Free Trade Agreement: A Comprehensive Overview and Its Implications for US–India Trade Relations

The India–UK Free Trade Agreement (FTA), concluded on May 6, 2025, marks a historic milestone in bilateral relations between two of the world’s largest economies—India (5th) and the UK (6th). Negotiated over 14 rounds since January 2022, the agreement navigated complex hurdles, including political transitions and sensitive issues such as mobility, tariffs, and regulatory standards. It is being heralded as the UK’s most significant trade deal since Brexit and India’s most ambitious FTA to date.

Below is a detailed breakdown of the agreement’s core features, a comparative analysis with other UK trade deals, and an assessment of its potential as a template for a future US–India FTA.


Key Features of the India–UK Free Trade Agreement

Tariff Reductions

  • UK Exports to India:

    • India will reduce tariffs on 90% of UK product lines, with 64% becoming tariff-free immediately, covering £1.9 billion in exports (2022 baseline). By Year 10, 85% of UK exports will enter India tariff-free.

    • Whisky and Gin: Duties will fall from 150% to 75% immediately, and to 40% over 10 years. The Scotch Whisky Association projects an £1 billion export boost and 1,200 new UK jobs over five years.

    • Automobiles: Duties on UK-made cars—including EVs—will drop from over 100% to 10%, under a quota system allowing 22,000 electric vehicles at the preferential rate.

    • Other Sectors: Tariff cuts extend to cosmetics, aerospace, medical devices, electrical equipment, chocolate, biscuits, lamb, salmon, and soft drinks.

  • Indian Exports to the UK:

    • The UK will eliminate 99.1% of tariffs on Indian goods at entry into force, aiding sectors like textiles, footwear, automobile components, metals, and seafood.

Services and Labor Mobility

  • Services:

    • The deal includes India’s most liberalized services commitments, enabling expanded access for UK banks, fintech, and insurance firms. There is mutual recognition of qualifications, though the UK legal sector criticized the deal for lack of broader access.

  • Mobility:

    • No change in UK immigration laws overall, but a visa quota of 1,800 was granted for Indian professionals such as chefs, musicians, and yoga instructors.

    • The Double Contribution Convention (DCC) exempts temporary workers from social security contributions for up to three years, addressing double taxation. This aligns with similar UK arrangements with countries like the US, EU members, and South Korea. Some UK critics, including Kemi Badenoch, have labeled the arrangement a “two-tier tax system.”

Government Procurement and Regulation

  • Procurement:

    • UK companies gain access to Indian government contracts, especially in renewable energy and green infrastructure, contributing to India’s net-zero goals.

  • Environmental, Labor, and Gender Commitments:

    • India’s first FTA to include dedicated chapters on anti-corruption, labor rights, gender equality, and environmental sustainability. These align with broader multilateral goals and India’s SDG commitments.

  • Rules of Origin:

    • Allows UK exporters to use third-country components without losing tariff benefits. However, this has triggered concerns in India over potential “trade circumvention.” Safeguard mechanisms are included to mitigate import surges.

  • Digital Trade and IP:

    • Stronger IP protections for UK creatives (e.g., 60-year copyright minimum) and steps toward digital trade liberalization. However, data localization and cross-border data flow remain unresolved.

  • Customs and Transparency:

    • Customs laws and procedures will be available online in English, simplifying cross-border trade administration.

Economic Impact

  • Trade Growth:

    • Bilateral trade is expected to grow by £25.5 billion annually by 2040, from a base of £42.6 billion in 2024.

    • UK exports will rise by £15.7 billion, and Indian exports by £9.8 billion.

  • UK Economy:

    • The UK government estimates a £4.8 billion GDP gain and £2.2 billion in annual wage growth by 2040—a 0.1% GDP increase.

  • India’s Gains:

    • Enhances India’s global value chain integration, boosts employment in textiles and services, and improves leverage in future deals, especially with the EU and US.

Implementation Timeline

The FTA still awaits final legal scrubbing, official signing, and ratification, likely taking up to 12 months. Outstanding issues include auto quotas, carbon tax alignment, and a Bilateral Investment Treaty (BIT).


Comparative Analysis with Other UK FTAs

Australia FTA

  • GDP Impact: +0.08% (India: +0.1%)

  • Market Size: Australia (26 million) vs. India (1.4 billion)

  • Scope: More goods-focused; less ambition in services and social chapters

Japan CEPA

  • GDP Impact: +0.07%

  • Goods: Emphasis on electronics/textiles; whisky duties already low

  • Digital Trade: Stronger than India FTA, but less focus on visas or mobility

New Zealand FTA

  • GDP Impact: +0.03%

  • Tariffs: Eliminated on nearly all goods, but trade volume is low

  • Services: Limited compared to India’s commitments

EU–UK Trade and Cooperation Agreement

  • Volume: EU remains UK’s largest trading partner

  • Tariffs: No tariffs, but includes non-tariff barriers

  • Scope: Broad coverage, especially in regulatory alignment

  • Significance: The India FTA is vital for post-Brexit diversification


Lessons for a Potential US–India Free Trade Agreement

Where the India–UK FTA Can Inform a US–India Deal

  • Tariff Strategy:

    • India’s phased approach (e.g., whisky from 150% to 40%) could model similar transitions in US exports such as motorcycles, pharmaceuticals, and agricultural goods.

  • Services & Labor Mobility:

    • India’s desire for professional mobility could parallel H-1B visa negotiations. The DCC structure may offer a template for US–India bilateral labor tax coordination.

  • Strategic Urgency:

    • The India–UK deal was catalyzed by US protectionist signals (e.g., Trump’s proposed 50% global tariffs), showing India’s willingness to pursue deals with non-US partners under pressure.

  • Environmental & Labor Provisions:

    • India’s willingness to include green trade and governance standards could appeal to US stakeholders focused on ESG frameworks (akin to USMCA standards).

Key Obstacles for a US–India Deal

  • Trade Imbalance:

    • US–India trade stood at £120 billion in 2024, with a £40 billion US trade deficit. The US may demand deeper agricultural access, which India resists.

  • Geopolitics:

    • India’s neutrality on Russia and China complicates negotiations, especially in tech transfer and defense-sensitive sectors.

  • Visa Politics:

    • Indian demands for work visas may clash with Trump-era immigration policies, which emphasize reciprocity and reduction in foreign labor quotas.

  • Carbon and Agricultural Issues:

    • India opposed UK’s Carbon Border Adjustment Mechanism (CBAM). The US, lacking a national carbon tax, may encounter demands for similar exemptions.

  • Negotiating Style:

    • UK pursued cooperative talks. US strategy under Trump is rooted in transactional, reciprocal tariffs, making trust and flexibility harder to build.


Conclusion: Is the India–UK FTA a True Model?

The India–UK FTA showcases how a phased, sector-specific, and services-enhanced trade deal can be crafted between nations with diverging economies. It offers valuable lessons for the US, particularly in:

  • Structuring tariff liberalization over time

  • Facilitating skilled mobility

  • Including climate and labor standards

However, major differences—particularly in trade size, agricultural sensitivities, immigration policy, and geopolitical alignment—make it a partial blueprint at best for US–India negotiations.


Critical Reflections

Despite its ambition, the £4.8 billion projected GDP gain is modest relative to the UK’s £2.6 trillion economy, drawing criticism that it underdelivers compared to potential EU enhancements. In India, concerns remain over agricultural protections, the impact on MSMEs, and environmental compliance costs. A full legal text is still pending, limiting civil society scrutiny. A future US–India deal, if modeled similarly, will need to balance strategic alignment, economic reciprocity, and domestic political realities far more delicately.


Sources

  • UK Parliament Library – CBP-10258

  • UK Government Conclusion Summary

  • The Guardian, The Hindu, CNBC, BBC, Reuters, Chatham House, Politico, Indian Express

  • Mayer Brown, Best for Britain, World Economic Forum, SW Group






भारत–यूके मुक्त व्यापार समझौता (2025): एक विस्तृत विश्लेषण और अमेरिका–भारत व्यापार वार्ता पर संभावित प्रभाव

भारत–यूके मुक्त व्यापार समझौता (FTA), जो 6 मई 2025 को अंतिम रूप से तय हुआ, विश्व की दो प्रमुख अर्थव्यवस्थाओं—भारत (5वीं) और यूनाइटेड किंगडम (6वीं)—के बीच द्विपक्षीय संबंधों में एक ऐतिहासिक उपलब्धि है। जनवरी 2022 से शुरू हुई 14 दौर की बातचीत के बाद यह समझौता तय हुआ, जिसमें चुनाव, वीज़ा, टैरिफ और नियामक मुद्दों जैसी जटिल बाधाओं को पार किया गया। इसे ब्रेक्ज़िट के बाद यूके का सबसे महत्वपूर्ण व्यापार समझौता और भारत का अब तक का सबसे महत्वाकांक्षी FTA माना जा रहा है।

यहाँ इस समझौते की प्रमुख विशेषताओं का विस्तृत विवरण, यूके के अन्य व्यापार समझौतों से तुलना, और यह अमेरिका–भारत व्यापार समझौते के संभावित मॉडल के रूप में कैसे काम कर सकता है—इस पर विश्लेषण प्रस्तुत किया गया है।


भारत–यूके FTA की मुख्य विशेषताएँ

टैरिफ में कटौती

  • यूके से भारत निर्यात:

    • भारत यूके की 90% उत्पाद लाइनों पर टैरिफ घटाएगा, जिनमें से 64% तत्काल शून्य टैरिफ के तहत आएंगी, जिससे £1.9 बिलियन मूल्य के निर्यात लाभान्वित होंगे (2022 के आधार पर)। 10वें वर्ष तक, 85% यूके निर्यात पूरी तरह टैरिफ-मुक्त हो जाएंगे।

    • विस्की और जिन: शुल्क 150% से घटाकर 75% तत्काल, और 10 वर्षों में 40% तक किया जाएगा। अनुमान है कि इससे £1 बिलियन का निर्यात और 1,200 नई नौकरियाँ उत्पन्न होंगी।

    • ऑटोमोबाइल: यूके निर्मित कारों (विशेषकर इलेक्ट्रिक वाहन) पर शुल्क 100%+ से घटाकर 10% किया जाएगा, एक कोटा प्रणाली के तहत 22,000 EVs को यह छूट दी जाएगी।

    • अन्य क्षेत्र: कॉस्मेटिक्स, एयरोस्पेस, चिकित्सा उपकरण, इलेक्ट्रिकल मशीनरी, चॉकलेट, बिस्किट, सॉफ्ट ड्रिंक, भेड़ और सैल्मन मांस पर भी टैरिफ कटौती लागू होगी।

  • भारत से यूके निर्यात:

    • यूके 99.1% भारतीय उत्पादों पर टैरिफ को तत्काल समाप्त करेगा, जिससे कपड़ा, जूते, ऑटो पार्ट्स, धातु, समुद्री खाद्य जैसे क्षेत्रों को लाभ मिलेगा।

सेवाएँ और श्रमिक गतिशीलता

  • सेवाएँ:

    • भारत ने अब तक की सबसे उदार सेवा प्रतिबद्धताएँ दी हैं, जिससे यूके बैंकों, बीमा और फिनटेक कंपनियों को भारत में बेहतर पहुँच मिलेगी। पेशेवर योग्यताओं की पारस्परिक मान्यता की व्यवस्था भी शामिल है। हालाँकि, यूके कानूनी सेवा क्षेत्र ने सीमित पहुँच पर असंतोष जताया।

  • गतिशीलता (वीज़ा और सामाजिक सुरक्षा):

    • यूके की समग्र आव्रजन नीति में कोई बदलाव नहीं किया गया, लेकिन 1,800 विशिष्ट भारतीय पेशेवरों (जैसे शेफ, संगीतकार, योग प्रशिक्षक) के लिए सीमित वीज़ा कोटा प्रदान किया गया।

    • Double Contribution Convention (DCC) के तहत, यूके या भारत में अस्थायी रूप से काम करने वाले कर्मचारियों को तीन वर्षों तक सामाजिक सुरक्षा कर से छूट मिलेगी। यह व्यवस्था यूके की 17 अन्य देशों (जैसे EU, अमेरिका, दक्षिण कोरिया) के साथ की गई समान व्यवस्थाओं की तरह है। हालांकि, कुछ यूके राजनेताओं ने इसे “दो-स्तरीय कर व्यवस्था” कहकर आलोचना की है।

सरकारी खरीद और नियामक प्रावधान

  • सरकारी खरीद:

    • यूके कंपनियों को भारत में हरित बुनियादी ढाँचा और ऊर्जा जैसे क्षेत्रों में सरकारी अनुबंधों में भाग लेने की अनुमति मिलेगी, जो भारत के नेट ज़ीरो लक्ष्यों में योगदान देगा।

  • पर्यावरण, श्रम और लैंगिक प्रतिबद्धताएँ:

    • यह भारत का पहला FTA है जिसमें भ्रष्टाचार विरोध, श्रमिक अधिकार, लैंगिक समानता, और पर्यावरणीय स्थिरता पर समर्पित अध्याय शामिल हैं।

  • रूल्स ऑफ ओरिजिन:

    • यूके निर्यातकों को तीसरे देशों के घटकों का उपयोग करने की छूट होगी, जिससे उन्हें टैरिफ लाभ मिलेंगे। भारत में इससे ट्रेड बायपासिंग की आशंका बनी हुई है, जिसे सुरक्षा उपायों द्वारा नियंत्रित किया जाएगा।

  • डिजिटल व्यापार और बौद्धिक संपदा:

    • यूके रचनात्मक उद्योगों को 60 वर्ष न्यूनतम कॉपीराइट संरक्षण दिया गया है। डिजिटल व्यापार को लेकर प्रावधान हैं, परंतु डेटा फ्लो पर पूर्ण सहमति नहीं बनी है

  • कस्टम्स पारदर्शिता:

    • सीमा शुल्क नियम अंग्रेज़ी में ऑनलाइन उपलब्ध होंगे, जिससे व्यापार प्रक्रिया आसान होगी।

आर्थिक प्रभाव

  • द्विपक्षीय व्यापार:

    • 2040 तक दोनों देशों के बीच व्यापार £25.5 बिलियन प्रति वर्ष बढ़ेगा (2024 में £42.6 बिलियन से)। यूके निर्यात में £15.7 बिलियन, और भारत के निर्यात में £9.8 बिलियन की वृद्धि का अनुमान है।

  • यूके की अर्थव्यवस्था:

    • अनुमानित £4.8 बिलियन GDP वृद्धि और £2.2 बिलियन वेतन वृद्धि (2040 तक), जो कुल GDP का 0.1% है।

  • भारत की अर्थव्यवस्था:

    • वैश्विक आपूर्ति श्रृंखलाओं में बेहतर एकीकरण, श्रम-प्रधान क्षेत्रों को बल, और अन्य साझेदारों के साथ बेहतर सौदेबाज़ी शक्ति हासिल होगी।

कार्यान्वयन समयरेखा

इस समझौते की कानूनी जाँच, हस्ताक्षर और पुष्टि की प्रक्रिया अभी बाकी है, जिसमें 12 महीने तक का समय लग सकता है। कुछ मुद्दे जैसे ऑटो कोटा, कार्बन कर, और द्विपक्षीय निवेश संधि (BIT) अभी बातचीत में हैं।


यूके के अन्य व्यापार समझौतों से तुलना

समझौता अनुमानित GDP वृद्धि प्रमुख अंतर
ऑस्ट्रेलिया +0.08% छोटा बाजार, सेवाओं पर सीमित ध्यान
जापान CEPA +0.07% डिजिटल व्यापार मज़बूत, लेकिन गतिशीलता सीमित
न्यूज़ीलैंड +0.03% बहुत सीमित आर्थिक प्रभाव
EU-UK समझौता बहुत उच्च व्यापार मात्रा टैरिफ फ्री, लेकिन गैर-टैरिफ बाधाएँ

अमेरिका–भारत FTA के लिए मॉडल?

जहाँ भारत–यूके FTA मार्गदर्शक हो सकता है

  • टैरिफ में कटौती: चरणबद्ध ढाँचा (जैसे विस्की) अमेरिका–भारत व्यापार में भी लागू किया जा सकता है।

  • सेवाएँ और गतिशीलता: H-1B जैसे अमेरिकी वीज़ा कार्यक्रम के तहत, भारत DCC जैसी सामाजिक सुरक्षा छूट चाह सकता है।

  • रणनीतिक संदर्भ: ट्रंप के टैरिफ के बाद भारत ने साझेदारों के साथ तेजी से FTA की कोशिश की—यही रणनीति अमेरिका के साथ भी दोहराई जा सकती है।

  • पर्यावरणीय अध्याय: भारत अब श्रम, पर्यावरण और लैंगिक मुद्दों पर सहमत है, जो अमेरिका के लिए अनुकूल हो सकता है।

जहाँ चुनौतियाँ रहेंगी

  • व्यापार असंतुलन: अमेरिका का भारत के साथ £40 बिलियन व्यापार घाटा है; इससे गहरी रियायतें माँगी जाएँगी।

  • भूराजनीतिक कारक: रूस और चीन के साथ भारत के संबंध अमेरिका की सुरक्षा चिंताओं को बढ़ाते हैं।

  • वीज़ा मुद्दे: ट्रंप की कठोर आव्रजन नीति वीज़ा पर भारत की माँगों से टकरा सकती है।

  • कृषि और कार्बन कर: अमेरिका में कार्बन टैक्स नहीं है, लेकिन कृषि क्षेत्र पर दबाव रहेगा।

  • संयुक्त राज्य की वार्ता शैली: “लेन-देन आधारित” शैली यूके की सहयोगात्मक नीति से भिन्न है।


निष्कर्ष: क्या यह एक आदर्श मॉडल है?

भारत–यूके FTA एक संतुलित, चरणबद्ध, और सेवाओं-केंद्रित व्यापार समझौते का उदाहरण देता है, जो अमेरिका–भारत वार्ता को दिशा दे सकता है। परंतु आर्थिक पैमाना, नीतिगत प्राथमिकताएँ, और राजनीतिक वास्तविकताएँ इसे केवल आंशिक मॉडल बनाती हैं।


आलोचनात्मक दृष्टिकोण

यूके की £2.6 ट्रिलियन अर्थव्यवस्था के मुकाबले £4.8 बिलियन का लाभ नगण्य है। भारत में FTA को लेकर कृषि और MSME क्षेत्र में चिंता है। CBAM (कार्बन बॉर्डर टैक्स) पर समाधान न होना भी एक कमजोर कड़ी है। अमेरिका–भारत वार्ता में भी गतिशीलता, IP अधिकार, और पारदर्शिता प्रमुख मुद्दे रहेंगे।


स्रोत

  • UK Parliament Library – CBP-10258

  • UK Government Conclusion Summary

  • The Guardian, The Hindu, CNBC, BBC, Reuters, Chatham House, Politico

  • Mayer Brown, Best for Britain, WEF, SW Group




Friday, June 28, 2019

US, China, Milky Way, Andromeda



This so-called US-China trade war I compare to the future projected collision between the Milky Way and the Andromeda galaxies. This clash is political. At some level, it was inevitable. It had to happen. And there is no going back. We will end up at some new equilibrium. Both powers will change in the process. The world itself will change. I think the primary casualty will be the nation-state itself. There will be no Milky Way left. There will be no Andromeda left. Something new will form.

The WTO is only as strong as its two largest trading partners will let it be. And there the train has already left the station. This tussle necessarily asks for fundamental reform of the WTO. But the US will not be the sole power shaping that new form. This tussle creates an opportunity for many powers who are represented in the G20 grouping to flex their muscle and wake up to the fact that they do have a seat at the table.

The elephant in the room, though, is technology. The US demands Huawei deliver on issues where the US technology giants themselves have a poor record. Privacy and security issues plague the tech sector like plastic waste in the Pacific. Here I propose the creation of a T100, a grouping of the top 100 technology firms of the world measured by market cap that meet on the sidelines of G20 and take the lead on issues of privacy and security. Trump asking Huawei to offer ironclad guarantees on security is like that emperor who demanded a flooded river to stop, just stop. Huawei alone can't do it any more than Google and Facebook have been able to. The CIA has got to be the top stealth organization when it comes to cyber snooping. I would not be surprised if the Chinese are a close second. They both take advantage of the security flaws in hardware and software that are extremely hard to patch.

5G is way more monumental than any road, or bridge, or port, or rail China can build with its Belt And Road Initiative. 5G is that infrastructure that will finally level the playing field for the Global South. Trump cannot be allowed to stand in the way of 5G deployment. On the other hand, take stock of all the privacy and security issues the world has had to encounter over the past 25 years and multiply that by 100. Much faster internet, much more ubiquitous internet will mean greater challenges for privacy and security. Here the T100 needs to take the lead. There are technological solutions. There are common standards to agree on. There is also room for law enforcement. But no nation state is at the center of this debate.



There is no way out for China from this trade war than through some major structural reforms which, by the way, would be good for the Chinese economy. Some of the structural reforms that are being demanded will make sure state funds do not go to state-owned enterprises that are losing money on massive scales. Such moves will make China more efficient and more competitive.

The US will also see structural changes. The 2020 election will see the rise of the Social Democrat. The US will likely go for Medicare For All. The US will become more like China on education and health.

And there's the all-important Clean Energy. On that, the two powers must fully cooperate. The problem is too big for any one of them to go solo.

In the clash of the two powers, that at some level was inevitable, both will fundamentally change and will become more like each other. But when the dust settles both will have become unrecognizable from their current vantage points.

Tuesday, July 18, 2017

$78 Trillion Richer



there are “trillion-dollar bills on the sidewalk”. One seemingly simple policy could make the world twice as rich as it is: open borders. ....... Workers become far more productive when they move from a poor country to a rich one. Suddenly, they can join a labour market with ample capital, efficient firms and a predictable legal system. ....... “Labour is the world’s most valuable commodity—yet thanks to strict immigration regulation, most of it goes to waste” ....... “Making Nigerians stay in Nigeria is as economically senseless as making farmers plant in Antarctica” ....... And the non-economic benefits are hardly trivial, either. A Nigerian in the United States cannot be enslaved by the Islamists of Boko Haram. ...... The potential gains from open borders dwarf those of, say, completely free trade, let alone foreign aid ......... “open borders” means that people are free to move to find work. It does not mean “no borders” or “the abolition of the nation-state”. ....... It is very hard to transfer Canadian institutions to Cambodia, but quite straightforward for a Cambodian family to fly to Canada. ....... The quickest way to eliminate absolute poverty would be to allow people to leave the places where it persists. ...... 630m people—about 13% of the world’s population—would migrate permanently if they could, and even more would move temporarily. Some 138m would settle in the United States, 42m in Britain and 29m in Saudi Arabia. ..... Leaving one’s homeland requires courage and resilience. Migrants must wave goodbye to familiar people, familiar customs and grandma’s cooking. Many people would rather not make that sacrifice, even for the prospect of large material rewards. ....... Wages are twice as high in Germany as in Greece, and under European Union rules Greeks are free to move to Germany, but only 150,000 have done so since the beginning of the economic crisis in 2010, out of a population of 11m. The weather is awful in Frankfurt, and hardly anyone speaks Greek. ......... Even very large disparities combined with open borders do not necessarily lead to a mass exodus. Since 1986 the citizens of Micronesia have been allowed to live and work without a visa in the United States, where income per person is roughly 20 times higher. Yet two-thirds remain in Micronesia. ....... Today there are 1.4bn people in rich countries and 6bn in not-so-rich ones. It is hardly far-fetched to imagine that, over a few decades, a billion or more of those people might emigrate if there were no legal obstacle to doing so. Clearly, this would transform rich countries in unpredictable ways. ....... Mass migration, they worry, would bring more crime and terrorism, lower wages for locals, an impossible strain on welfare states, horrific overcrowding and traumatic cultural disruption. ........ If lots of people migrated from war-torn Syria, gangster-plagued Guatemala or chaotic Congo, would they bring mayhem with them? ...... Granted, some immigrants commit crimes, or even headline-grabbing acts of terrorism. But in America the foreign-born are only a fifth as likely to be incarcerated as the native-born. ....... A study of migration flows among 145 countries between 1970 and 2000 by researchers at the University of Warwick found that migration was more likely to reduce terrorism than increase it, largely because migration fosters economic growth. ....... Immigrants are more likely than the native-born to bring new ideas and start their own businesses, many of which hire locals. Overall, migrants are less likely than the native-born to be a drain on public finances, unless local laws make it impossible for them to work, as is the case for asylum-seekers in Britain. ....... Foreign doctors and engineers ease skills shortages. Unskilled migrants care for babies or the elderly, thus freeing the native-born to do more lucrative work. ....... most Western cities could build much higher than they do, creating more space. ...... Would mass immigration change the culture and politics of rich countries? Undoubtedly. Look at the way America has changed, mostly for the better, as its population soared from 5m mainly white folks in 1800 to 320m many-hued ones today. ....... nearly all these risks could be mitigated, and many of the most common objections overcome, with a bit of creative thinking. ...... one solution would be not to let immigrants vote—for five years, ten years or even a lifetime. This may seem harsh, but it is far kinder than not letting them in. ....... why not charge them more for visas, or make them pay extra taxes, or restrict their access to welfare benefits? ...... it is better for the migrants than the status quo, in which they are excluded from rich-world labour markets unless they pay tens of thousands of dollars to people-smugglers—and even then they must work in the shadows and are subject to sudden deportation. Today, millions of migrants work in the Gulf, where they have no political rights at all. Despite this, they keep coming. No one is forcing them to. ...... If a world of free movement would be $78trn richer, should not liberals be prepared to make big political compromises to bring it about?
There is a political solution: the creation of a world government. And there is a technical solution: a biometric ID for every person on earth.

Monday, April 11, 2016

Hillary Clinton: Nothing To Do With The Panama Papers

The Liberals of the Bernie brand have plenty of good things to talk about, plenty of legitimate points to make. Excuse me if English is not my first language, but is this the left wing pulling a right wing? Blaming Hillary for Panama, of all things? I am calling this facts-free sexism, completely unhinged from facts and logic.

Liberals and the New Democrats should compete, as they are, but they should do so cleanly, and with the ultimate goals of working together for the greater cause. Liberals should make an effort to remember why they used to lose elections all the time, and the New Dems should face the fact that the ground reality is not as desperate as it was in 1991, and bolder moves are now possible.

And, by the way, I am for free trade, I always have been. Blaming free trade for the loss of American jobs is like blaming China's strong economy for the fact that America is not doing better, when the fact is China saved America big time in 2008. Free trade can be better architected, but don't blame the poor in poor countries because you can't get organized better and get your government to invest more in your education and health.

The Sanders campaign should focus on getting deeper into the policies, and crunching the numbers, and better organizing the supporters. There are obscure, underpaid academics who have already written detailed policy papers of the journal article quality for everything Sanders has proposed, I am sure. The Sanders campaign just needs to go find them. Talk numbers but also talk slogans. Present the investments in education and health in the context of the larger budget. How you would tweak it, things like that.

Linking Hillary to Panama is a mirror image of the right wing blaming Hillary for Benghazi. It is like there is this small patch of land somewhere in Latin America where Islamist terrorists and American far right militia gather and train each other on warfare.

The Bernie campaign does not need that if it wants to actually make change happen. This path burns bridges.

I actually happen to think much of what Bernie wants can happen. But you do have to do the work. You do have the get into the nitty gritty, you do have to crunch the numbers, you do have to tweak the budget, you do have to build coalitions. Mostly you do have to better organize. Build a grasseroots structure to survive.

Hillary In The News
A Strong Critique Of Sanders From A Very Smart Liberal
The New Democrat Philosophy Vs The Liberal Philosophy
Hillary's Narrow Lead
A Close Race
This Might Not Go Well
Bernie: The Progressive Ronald Reagan?
Bernie II?
One Person, One Vote, One Voice Democracy And America And The Democratic Party
White House, Senate, House, 2016


She's Not With Us
She's not with us!!!!
Posted by Liberal Rhetoric Click on Friday, April 8, 2016