Pages

Showing posts with label G7. Show all posts
Showing posts with label G7. Show all posts

Thursday, July 10, 2025

A G30 (Or G40) For A New Global Trade Architecture

G7 + BRICS = G30: A Bold Vision for Global Cooperation in the 21st Century


The 30 largest economies with assigned voting power in whole numbers, using this method:

  • Formula: 40% GDP share + 40% population share + 20% equal vote

  • The country with the lowest voting power receives 10 votes

  • All other countries are scaled accordingly, and rounded to the nearest whole number


Abolish the G7. Abolish the BRICS.

The bar chart showing the assigned voting power for the top 30 economies, scaled so the country with the lowest score gets 10 votes. The votes increase based on GDP, population, and equal representation.

The G30 to be revised every 10 years. An annual summit. But working groups that work all year round. 


Country Assigned Votes
China 207
United States 160
India 141
Indonesia 37
Japan 36
Brazil 35
Germany 34
Russia 28
Nigeria 28
United Kingdom 27
Mexico 26
France 26
Italy 23
South Korea 20
Canada 20
Turkey 20
Spain 18
Australia 17
Thailand 16
Saudi Arabia 15
Poland 14
Netherlands 14
Argentina 14
Switzerland 12
Sweden 11
Belgium 11
Austria 10
Norway 10
United Arab Emirates 10
Israel 10


Here’s a proposal for two fictional voting blocs, each totaling close to half of the total votes (~ 750 votes total, so ~ 375 each):


๐Ÿ”น Blocs Overview

Bloc AWestern & Developed Nations

  • United States: 160

  • Germany: 34

  • United Kingdom: 27

  • France: 26

  • Canada: 20

  • Australia: 17

  • Netherlands: 14

  • Switzerland: 12

  • Sweden: 11

  • Belgium: 11

  • Norway: 10

  • Austria: 10

  • Israel: 10

Total: 352 votes


Bloc BEmerging & BRICS+ Nations

  • China: 207

  • India: 141

  • Indonesia: 37

  • Brazil: 35

  • Japan: 36

  • Russia: 28

  • Nigeria: 28

  • Mexico: 26

  • Italy: 23

  • South Korea: 20

  • Turkey: 20

  • Spain: 18

  • Thailand: 16

  • Saudi Arabia: 15

  • Poland: 14

  • Argentina: 14

  • United Arab Emirates: 10

Total: 650 votes


That leaves no assigned votes from the smallest group, (e.g. Switzerland et al not used yet). But if we want perfect balance (~ 375 each), we can shift a few:

  • Move Italy (23) and South Korea (20) to Bloc A ➝ Bloc A = 395, Bloc B = 607

  • Or more even: move Italy (23), South Korea (20), and Spain (18) ➝ Bloc A = 432, Bloc B = 589


๐Ÿ”ง Adjusted Option: Balanced Blocks (~780 total)

Try switching:

  • Move Italy (23) and Spain (18) from B to A:

Bloc A (Western + additions) Votes
Orig. Bloc A (352) 352
+ Italy (+23) 375
+ Spain (+18) 393
Bloc B (Emerging) Votes
Orig. Bloc B (650) 650
– Italy (–23) 627
– Spain (–18) 609

Still uneven. To balance better, move also South Korea (20):

  • Bloc A: 352 + 23 + 18 + 20 = 413

  • Bloc B: 650 – 23 – 18 – 20 = 589

So, Bloc A = 413, Bloc B = 589 — closer, but still off.

To get almost equal (~ 500 each), perhaps also move:

  • Mexico (26) and Turkey (20) to A:

Bloc A: 413 + 26 + 20 = 459
Bloc B: 589 – 26 – 20 = 543 — that's within ~84 votes (≈11% difference).


✅ Final Suggested Split

  • Bloc A (Western + Key Emerging):
    US, Germany, UK, France, Canada, Australia, Netherlands, Switzerland, Sweden, Belgium, Norway, Austria, Israel, plus Italy, Spain, South Korea, Mexico, Turkey
    459 votes

  • Bloc B (Large & Resource Nations):
    China, India, Indonesia, Brazil, Japan, Russia, Nigeria, (remain)*, Thailand, Saudi Arabia, Poland, Argentina, UAE
    543 votes


Here’s the full list of countries, their assigned voting power, and bloc assignment—with United States and India in Bloc A, the majority bloc:

| Country              | Assigned Votes | Bloc |
|----------------------|----------------|------|
| China                |            207 | B    |
| United States        |            160 | A    |
| India                |            141 | A    |
| Indonesia            |             37 | B    |
| Japan                |             36 | A    |
| Brazil               |             35 | B    |
| Germany              |             34 | A    |
| Russia               |             28 | B    |
| Nigeria              |             28 | B    |
| United Kingdom       |             27 | A    |
| Mexico               |             26 | A    |
| France               |             26 | A    |
| Italy                |             23 | A    |
| Canada               |             20 | A    |
| Turkey               |             20 | B    |
| South Korea          |             20 | A    |
| Spain                |             18 | A    |
| Australia            |             17 | A    |
| Thailand             |             16 | B    |
| Saudi Arabia         |             15 | B    |
| Poland               |             14 | A    |
| Netherlands          |             14 | A    |
| Argentina            |             14 | B    |
| Switzerland          |             12 | B    |
| Sweden               |             11 | A    |
| Belgium              |             11 | A    |
| Austria              |             10 | A    |
| Norway               |             10 | A    |
| United Arab Emirates |             10 | A    |
| Israel               |             10 | A    |


Here are the total votes by bloc:

| Bloc | Total Votes |
|------|-------------|
| A    |         638 |
| B    |         412 |

Bloc A (with the US and India) holds a clear majority.


Reorganizing the United Nations with voting power assigned to every country based on a blended formula like:

40% GDP share + 40% population share + 20% equal vote

…would create a dramatically different global governance structure. Here's how this would likely unfold, along with a table assigning voting power to a representative sample of major and smaller nations using the same system you approved:


๐ŸŒ Implications of Reorganizing the UN by Weighted Voting Power

  1. The General Assembly would no longer be “1 country, 1 vote”.
    Instead, voting would reflect:

    • Economic contribution (GDP),

    • Demographic weight (population),

    • National sovereignty (equal share).

  2. Majority influence would shift toward:

    • India and China due to their huge populations,

    • United States, Germany, and Japan due to GDP,

    • And small countries would retain minimal, but equal, baseline votes.

  3. Bloc politics would become central to diplomacy. For example:

    • A US-India-EU alliance could dominate global resolutions.

    • BRICS would have tremendous leverage if united.

  4. Global governance could become more equitable or more contentious, depending on how veto powers and security roles are handled.


๐Ÿ—ณ️ Voting Power Table – 40% GDP + 40% Population + 20% Equal Vote (Min = 10 votes)

Here’s an illustrative list of 40 countries across regions:

| Country              | Assigned Votes |
|----------------------|----------------|
| China                |            207 |
| United States        |            160 |
| India                |            141 |
| Indonesia            |             37 |
| Japan                |             36 |
| Brazil               |             35 |
| Germany              |             34 |
| Russia               |             28 |
| Nigeria              |             28 |
| United Kingdom       |             27 |
| Mexico               |             26 |
| France               |             26 |
| Italy                |             23 |
| Canada               |             20 |
| Turkey               |             20 |
| South Korea          |             20 |
| Spain                |             18 |
| Australia            |             17 |
| Thailand             |             16 |
| Saudi Arabia         |             15 |
| Poland               |             14 |
| Netherlands          |             14 |
| Argentina            |             14 |
| Ethiopia             |             13 |
| Philippines          |             13 |
| Egypt                |             13 |
| Vietnam              |             12 |
| Iran                 |             12 |
| Pakistan             |             12 |
| South Africa         |             11 |
| Ukraine              |             11 |
| Malaysia             |             11 |
| Switzerland          |             12 |
| Sweden               |             11 |
| Belgium              |             11 |
| Austria              |             10 |
| Norway               |             10 |
| UAE                  |             10 |
| Israel               |             10 |
| Nepal                |             10 |

๐ŸŸฐ Total votes across all UN members would scale to thousands. You could normalize again to 1,000 or 10,000 global votes if needed.


๐Ÿ”ฎ Possible Outcomes in This New UN

  • Security Council veto would be obsolete unless reimagined with vote thresholds (e.g., 75% bloc consensus).

  • Small island nations would lose much influence unless regionally represented.

  • Africa and South Asia would gain significant voice due to population weight.

  • Global decisions might become more democratic in population terms, though developed economies would still dominate due to GDP weight.




 

Here are two fictional blocs, organized so that Bloc A—with the United States, India, and Israel—forms the majority bloc. The blocs are balanced as closely as possible using our assigned voting power from the 30-largest-economy list.


๐ŸŸฆ Bloc A – Majority Bloc (US, India, Israel)

Includes the US, India, Israel, and other key partners:

| Country              | Votes |
|----------------------|------:|
| United States        |   160 |
| India                |   141 |
| Israel               |    10 |
| United Kingdom       |    27 |
| Germany              |    34 |
| Japan                |    36 |
| Canada               |    20 |
| France               |    26 |
| Italy                |    23 |
| Australia            |    17 |
| Spain                |    18 |
| South Korea          |    20 |
| Netherlands          |    14 |
| Sweden               |    11 |
| Belgium              |    11 |
| Austria              |    10 |
| Norway               |    10 |
| United Arab Emirates |    10 |

Total Votes (Bloc A): 568


๐ŸŸฅ Bloc B – Minority Bloc*

Consists of the remaining countries:

| Country              | Votes |
|----------------------|------:|
| China                |   207 |
| Indonesia            |    37 |
| Brazil               |    35 |
| Russia               |    28 |
| Nigeria              |    28 |
| Mexico               |    26 |
| Turkey               |    20 |
| Thailand             |    16 |
| Saudi Arabia         |    15 |
| Poland               |    14 |
| Argentina            |    14 |
| Switzerland          |    12 |

Total Votes (Bloc B): 452


✅ Quick Summary

  • Bloc A (US + India + Israel + partners) = 568 votes (majority)

  • Bloc B (rest of top‑30) = 452 votes

  • Total votes = 1,020



This might be the only way out for the global economy. The global economy needs a new architecture. 

Perhaps the UN itself should be reorganized along these lines. 



Wednesday, July 09, 2025

Rethinking Trade: Why the Dollar, the WTO, and Trump’s Policies Broke U.S. Manufacturing—and How a G30 Can Rebuild It

 

Rethinking Trade: Why the Dollar, the WTO, and Trump’s Policies Broke U.S. Manufacturing—and How a G30 Can Rebuild It


What really damaged U.S. manufacturing?

It wasn’t just globalization. It wasn’t just China. It wasn’t just automation or NAFTA. One of the most under-discussed culprits lies at the heart of the global financial system: the special status of the U.S. dollar.

The Dollar’s Double-Edged Sword

In 1944, at the Bretton Woods Conference, John Maynard Keynes warned against making the U.S. dollar the central reserve currency of the world. He proposed a different vision—a supranational currency called the bancor. But the United States, riding high on its World War II victory and emerging as the world’s dominant industrial power, insisted otherwise.

Keynes saw the trap. A global system built around one national currency would create imbalances that were structurally baked in. The dollar would always be in demand, and the U.S. would have to run massive trade deficits to supply the world with liquidity. That’s exactly what happened. Over decades, this system flooded the U.S. with cheap imports, hollowed out its manufacturing base, and allowed multinational corporations to offshore labor and dodge taxes—while the American working class paid the price.

WTO: Built to Stabilize, Smashed to Pieces

If the dollar system was the invisible lever, the World Trade Organization (WTO) was the visible referee. It brought rules, dispute mechanisms, and multilateral consensus to global commerce.

But in recent years—especially under the Trump administration—the WTO was deliberately sidelined. The United States refused to approve new judges to the Appellate Body, essentially paralyzing the organization’s ability to enforce its own rules. Meanwhile, Trump pivoted to one-on-one, high-pressure trade negotiations and blanket tariffs.

The outcome? A fragmented global trade system, where uncertainty and retaliation replaced predictability and cooperation. Trump’s tariffs may have had short-term appeal, but as economists like Paul Krugman pointed out, they did little to change the trade balance and much to hurt farmers, exporters, and global trust in the U.S.

A New Global Trade Paradigm: G30, Not G7 or BRICS

What’s needed now is a new global architecture, one where no single country dominates and no bloc calls the shots. The idea that the world should be ruled by either the G7 or the BRICS is outdated.

The future lies in a G30—an inclusive new organization of the 30 largest economies by Purchasing Power Parity (PPP). This new body would bring together the Global North and South, rich and emerging economies, and establish a fresh, inclusive framework for global trade. No more one-sided rules. No more weaponized tariffs. Just a multilateral approach that recognizes mutual interests.

๐Ÿ“˜ Read more about this idea:
G7 + BRICS = G30: A Bold Vision for Global Cooperation in the 21st Century


Labor Is Trade Too: Immigration and the Human Supply Chain

We talk endlessly about trade in goods and services, but there’s another kind of trade we ignore at our peril: labor mobility. The Trump administration's crackdown on immigration has global implications—not just human rights, but trade itself.

There is a global labor market. Just as iPhones are made in China, strawberries are picked by migrants in California. Labor crosses borders—legally or not—because capital demands it. And yet we lack a global framework for this flow.

When undocumented workers are rounded up, families torn apart, and entire communities destabilized, we’re not just enacting cruelty—we’re disrupting the global economy. If labor is part of trade, then we need rules to ensure dignity, documentation, and fairness, not mass deportation and fear.

For a powerful fictional exploration of this crisis, see:


What the U.S. Could Be Doing Instead

Despite all the noise, the United States still leads in services, technology, energy, and finance. As explored in the blog post “The Top Prize: Why the U.S. Economy Still Leads the World,” America’s true trade strength lies in value-added exports: software, patents, Hollywood, Wall Street, higher education.

Yet Trump’s trade war fixates on goods. On deficits. On raw numbers that don’t capture the bigger picture. Yes, the U.S. runs a large goods deficit—but it also has a massive services surplus. Taking all trade together—goods, services, foreign direct investment, and corporate revenues parked abroad—might actually reveal a hidden surplus, or at least a far smaller net deficit than advertised.

But focusing on numbers alone is still missing the point. We need a global framework for all aspects of trade, not bilateral brawls that destabilize economies.


Toward a Just and Thriving Trade System

If we want to restore manufacturing in the U.S., protect labor rights globally, and usher in a sustainable trade system that doesn’t crush the planet or working people, we need a radical rethink of trade itself.

These books offer starting points for that conversation:

๐Ÿ“˜ Rethinking Trade: A Blueprint for a Just and Thriving Global Economy
๐Ÿ“˜ The $500 Billion Pivot: How the India-US Alliance Can Reshape Global Trade
๐Ÿ“˜ Trump’s Trade War
๐Ÿ“˜ The 20% Growth Revolution: Nepal’s Path to Prosperity Through Kalkiism

These books look not just at the U.S., but at how emerging alliances like India–U.S., and even new philosophies like Kalkiism, can guide trade and economic cooperation in a fairer direction.


Conclusion: The Next Bretton Woods

In 1944, we chose the dollar. We chose U.S. hegemony. But Keynes was right—it came at a cost. Now, in the 21st century, that system is fraying.

It’s time for a second Bretton Woods, not to entrench another hegemon, but to build a shared global future. G30, not G7. Multilateralism, not tariffs. Rules with dignity, not detention camps. A manufacturing revival built not on nostalgia, but on smart policy, shared responsibility, and global justice.

Let’s start the conversation.


✍️ Read. Share. Organize. The global trade future we want won’t build itself.




เคต्เคฏाเคชाเคฐ เค•ा เคชुเคจเคฐ्เคตिเคšाเคฐ: เค•िเคธเคจे เคคोเคก़ा เค…เคฎेเคฐिเค•ा เค•ा เคตिเคจिเคฐ्เคฎाเคฃ เค†เคงाเคฐ, เค”เคฐ G30 เคนी เคธเคฎाเคงाเคจ เค•्เคฏों เคนै


เค…เคฎेเคฐिเค•ी เคตिเคจिเคฐ्เคฎाเคฃ เค•ो เค…เคธเคฒी เคจुเค•เคธाเคจ เค•िเคธเคจे เคชเคนुँเคšाเคฏा?

เคธिเคฐ्เคซ เคตैเคถ्เคตीเค•เคฐเคฃ เคจเคนीं। เคธिเคฐ्เคซ เคšीเคจ เคจเคนीं। เคจ เคนी เค•ेเคตเคฒ เคธ्เคตเคšाเคฒเคจ เคฏा NAFTA। เค‡เคธ เคชूเคฐी เค•เคนाเคจी เค•ा เคเค• เคเคธा เคนिเคธ्เคธा เคนै เคœिเคธ เคชเคฐ เคฌเคนुเคค เค•เคฎ เคฌाเคค เคนोเคคी เคนै—เค…เคฎेเคฐिเค•ी เคกॉเคฒเคฐ เค•ी เคตिเคถेเคท เคธ्เคฅिเคคि, เคœिเคธे เคœॉเคจ เคฎेเคจाเคฐ्เคก เค•ीเคจ्เคธ เคจे 1944 เคฎें เคนी เค–เคคเคฐเคจाเค• เคฌเคคाเคฏा เคฅा।

เคกॉเคฒเคฐ: เคตเคฐเคฆाเคจ เคฏा เค…เคญिเคถाเคช?

1944 เคฎें เคฌ्เคฐेเคŸเคจ เคตुเคก्เคธ เคธเคฎ्เคฎेเคฒเคจ เคฎें, เค…เคฐ्เคฅเคถाเคธ्เคค्เคฐी เคœॉเคจ เคฎेเคจाเคฐ्เคก เค•ीเคจ्เคธ เคจे เคšेเคคाเคตเคจी เคฆी เคฅी เค•ि เค…เคฎेเคฐिเค•ी เคกॉเคฒเคฐ เค•ो เคตैเคถ्เคตिเค• เคฐिเคœ़เคฐ्เคต เคฎुเคฆ्เคฐा เคฌเคจाเคจा เคเค• เค…เคธंเคคुเคฒिเคค เคตैเคถ्เคตिเค• เคต्เคฏเคตเคธ्เคฅा เค•ी เคจींเคต เคฐเค–ेเค—ा। เค‰เคจ्เคนोंเคจे เค‡เคธเค•े เคฌเคœाเคฏ เคฌैंเค•ॉเคฐ เคจाเคฎเค• เคเค• เคตैเคถ्เคตिเค• เคฎुเคฆ्เคฐा เค•ा เคช्เคฐเคธ्เคคाเคต เคฆिเคฏा เคฅा। เคฒेเค•िเคจ เค…เคฎेเคฐिเค•ा เคจे เค…เคชเคจी เคคाเค•เคค เค•े เคฌเคฒ เคชเคฐ เคกॉเคฒเคฐ เค•ो เค•ेंเคฆ्เคฐ เคฎें เคฐเค–เคตा เคฆिเคฏा।

เค•ीเคจ्เคธ เคจे เคœो เค–เคคเคฐा เคฆेเค–ा เคฅा, เคตเคน เคนเค•ीเค•เคค เคฌเคจ เค—เคฏा। เคกॉเคฒเคฐ เค•ी เคตैเคถ्เคตिเค• เคฎांเค— เค•ो เคชूเคฐा เค•เคฐเคจे เค•े เคฒिเค เค…เคฎेเคฐिเค•ा เค•ो เคฒเค—ाเคคाเคฐ เคต्เคฏाเคชाเคฐ เค˜ाเคŸा เคšเคฒाเคจा เคชเคก़ा, เคœिเคธเคธे เค…เคฎेเคฐिเค•ी เคฌाเคœाเคฐों เคฎें เคธเคธ्เคคे เค†เคฏाเคคों เค•ी เคฌाเคข़ เค† เค—เคˆ เค”เคฐ เค˜เคฐेเคฒू เคตिเคจिเคฐ्เคฎाเคฃ เคšเคฐเคฎเคฐा เค—เคฏा

WTO: เคจिเคฏเคฎों เค•ा เคธंเคฐเค•्เคทเค•, เคŸ्เคฐंเคช เคช्เคฐเคถाเคธเคจ เคฆ्เคตाเคฐा เคจเคท्เคŸ

เคกॉเคฒเคฐ เคคो เค…เคฆृเคถ्เคฏ เค•ाเคฐเคฃ เคฅा, เคฒेเค•िเคจ เคตिเคถ्เคต เคต्เคฏाเคชाเคฐ เคธंเค—เค เคจ (WTO) เคตเคน เคธंเคธ्เคฅाเค—เคค เคขांเคšा เคฅा เคœो เคตैเคถ्เคตिเค• เคต्เคฏाเคชाเคฐ เค•ो เคจिเคฏเคฎों เคธे เคœोเคก़เคคा เคฅा। เคตเคฐ्เคทों เคคเค• เค‡เคธเคจे เคธ्เคฅिเคฐเคคा เค”เคฐ เคธเคนเคฏोเค— เค•ो เคฌเคข़ाเคตा เคฆिเคฏा।

เคฒेเค•िเคจ เคŸ्เคฐंเคช เคช्เคฐเคถाเคธเคจ เคจे WTO เค•ी เคฐीเคข़ เคนी เคคोเคก़ เคฆी। เค‰เคธเคจे เคจ्เคฏाเคฏाเคงिเค•เคฐเคฃ เค•े เคœเคœों เค•ी เคจिเคฏुเค•्เคคि เค•ो เคฐोเค•เค•เคฐ WTO เค•े เคตिเคตाเคฆ เคจिเคตाเคฐเคฃ เคคंเคค्เคฐ เค•ो เคจिเคท्เค•्เคฐिเคฏ เค•เคฐ เคฆिเคฏा। เค‡เคธเค•े เคธ्เคฅाเคจ เคชเคฐ เค…เคฎेเคฐिเค•ा เคจे เคเค•-เคเค• เคฆेเคถों เคธे เคฆเคฌाเคต เคฌเคจाเค•เคฐ เคธौเคฆेเคฌाเคœ़ी เค•เคฐเคจी เคถुเคฐू เค•ी।

เค‡เคธเค•ा เคชเคฐिเคฃाเคฎ? เค…เคธ्เคฅिเคฐ เค”เคฐ เค–ंเคกिเคค เคตैเคถ्เคตिเค• เคต्เคฏाเคชाเคฐ เคช्เคฐเคฃाเคฒी, เคœिเคธเคฎें เค…เคจिเคถ्เคšिเคคเคคा เค”เคฐ เคฌเคฆเคฒे เค•ी เคญाเคตเคจा เคฌเคข़ เค—เคˆ। เคŸ्เคฐंเคช เค•े เคŸैเคฐिเคซ़ เค…เคฒ्เคชเค•ाเคฒिเค• เคฆिเค–ाเคตे เคคो เคฌเคจे, เคฒेเค•िเคจ เค…เคฐ्เคฅเคต्เคฏเคตเคธ्เคฅा เค•ो เคจुเค•เคธाเคจ เคนी เคนुเค†, เคœैเคธा เค•ि เค•เคˆ เค…เคฐ्เคฅเคถाเคธ्เคค्เคฐिเคฏों เคจे เค•เคนा เคนै।


เค…เคฌ เค•्เคฏा เค•เคฐเคจा เคšाเคนिเค: G7 เคฏा BRICS เคจเคนीं, G30 เคšाเคนिเค

เค†เคœ เค•ी เคฆुเคจिเคฏा เค•ो เค•िเคธी เคเค• เคฆेเคถ เคฏा เคฌ्เคฒॉเค• เคฆ्เคตाเคฐा เคธंเคšाเคฒिเคค เค•เคฐเคจे เค•ी เคจเคนीं, เคฌเคฒ्เค•ि เคธाเคेเคฆाเคฐी เค†เคงाเคฐिเคค เคตैเคถ्เคตिเค• เคต्เคฏाเคชाเคฐ เคธंเคฐเคšเคจा เค•ी เคœ़เคฐूเคฐเคค เคนै।

เคธเคฎाเคงाเคจ เคนै G30—เคฆुเคจिเคฏा เค•ी 30 เคธเคฌเคธे เคฌเคก़ी เค…เคฐ्เคฅเคต्เคฏเคตเคธ्เคฅाเค“ं (PPP เค•े เค†เคงाเคฐ เคชเคฐ) เค•ा เคเค• เคจเคฏा เคฎंเคš। เคฏเคนाँ G7 เค”เคฐ BRICS เคฆोเคจों เคเค• เคธाเคฅ เคนों, เคธाเคฅ เคนी เค…เคซ्เคฐीเค•ा, เคฒैเคŸिเคจ เค…เคฎेเคฐिเค•ा เค”เคฐ เคเคถिเคฏा เค•े เคฌเคก़े เคฆेเคถ เคญी।

เคฏเคน เคจเคฏा เคธंเค—เค เคจ เคธเคฎाเคจ เคญाเค—ीเคฆाเคฐी เคชเคฐ เค†เคงाเคฐिเคค เคตैเคถ्เคตिเค• เคต्เคฏाเคชाเคฐ เคจिเคฏเคฎों เค•ा เคจिเคฐ्เคฎाเคฃ เค•เคฐेเค—ा। เค‡เคธเคฎें เค•ोเคˆ เคนाเคตी เคจเคนीं เคนोเค—ा, เค”เคฐ เค•ोเคˆ เคนाเคถिเคฏे เคชเคฐ เคจเคนीं เคฐเคนेเค—ा।

๐Ÿ“˜ เคตिเคธ्เคคाเคฐ เคธे เคชเคข़ें:
G7 + BRICS = G30: เคเค• เคตैเคถ्เคตिเค• เคธเคนเคฏोเค— เค•ी เคจเคˆ เคชเคฐिเค•เคฒ्เคชเคจा


เคฎเคœ़เคฆूเคฐी เคญी เคต्เคฏाเคชाเคฐ เคนै: เค…เคช्เคฐเคตाเคธเคจ เคชเคฐ เคเค• เคจเคˆ เคฆृเคท्เคŸि

เคœเคฌ เคนเคฎ เคต्เคฏाเคชाเคฐ เค•ी เคฌाเคค เค•เคฐเคคे เคนैं, เคคो เคธाเคฎाเคจ เค”เคฐ เคธेเคตाเค“ं เค•ी เคฌाเคค เค•เคฐเคคे เคนैं। เคฒेเค•िเคจ เคเค• เค”เคฐ เคšीเคœ़ เคนै เคœो เคธीเคฎा เคชाเคฐ เค•เคฐเคคी เคนै: เคฎเคœ़เคฆूเคฐी। เคถ्เคฐเคฎिเค• เคญी เคตैเคถ्เคตिเค• เค†เคชूเคฐ्เคคि เคถ्เคฐृंเค–เคฒा เค•ा เคนिเคธ्เคธा เคนैं।

เคŸ्เคฐंเคช เคช्เคฐเคถाเคธเคจ เค•ी เค…เคช्เคฐเคตाเคธเคจ เคชเคฐ เคธเค–्เคค เคจीเคคि เคธिเคฐ्เคซ เค…เคฎाเคจเคตीเคฏ เคจเคนीं เคนै, เคฌเคฒ्เค•ि เคตैเคถ्เคตिเค• เคต्เคฏाเคชाเคฐ เค•ो เคญी เคจुเค•เคธाเคจ เคชเคนुंเคšाเคคी เคนै। เค…เคฎेเคฐिเค•ा เค•ी เค•ृเคทि, เคจिเคฐ्เคฎाเคฃ, เค”เคฐ เคธेเคตा เค…เคฐ्เคฅเคต्เคฏเคตเคธ्เคฅा เคฎें เค†เคช्เคฐเคตाเคธी เคถ्เคฐเคฎिเค•ों เค•ी เคช्เคฐเคฎुเค– เคญूเคฎिเค•ा เคนै।

เค…เค—เคฐ เค‡เคจ्เคนें เคฌिเคจा เคธोเคšे-เคธเคฎเคे เค‰เค ाเค•เคฐ เคฌाเคนเคฐ เค•िเคฏा เคœाเคเค—ा, เคคो เค†เคฐ्เคฅिเค• เค”เคฐ เคฎाเคจเคตीเคฏ เคธंเค•เคŸ เคฆोเคจों เคชैเคฆा เคนोंเค—े। เค‡เคธเคฒिเค เคตैเคถ्เคตिเค• เคฎเคœ़เคฆूเคฐी เคต्เคฏाเคชाเคฐ เค•े เคฒिเค เคญी เคจिเคฏเคฎ เค”เคฐ เค—เคฐिเคฎा เค•ी เคœ़เคฐूเคฐเคค เคนै।

เค‡เคธ เคตिเคทเคฏ เค•ो เคฒेเค•เคฐ เค•ुเค› เค•िเคคाเคฌें เคœ़เคฐूเคฐ เคชเคข़ें:


เค…เคฎेเคฐिเค•ा เค•्เคฏा เค•เคฐ เคธเค•เคคा เคนै?

เคธेเคตाเค“ं, เคŸेเค•्เคจोเคฒॉเคœी, เคŠเคฐ्เคœा เค”เคฐ เคตिเคค्เคคीเคฏ เค•्เคทेเคค्เคฐों เคฎें เค…เคฎेเคฐिเค•ा เค…เคฌ เคญी เคฆुเคจिเคฏा เคฎें เคธเคฌเคธे เค†เค—े เคนै। เคœैเคธा เค•ि เค‡เคธ เคฌ्เคฒॉเค— เคชोเคธ्เคŸ เคฎें เคฌเคคाเคฏा เค—เคฏा เคนै —
The Top Prize: Why the U.S. Economy Still Leads the World
—เค…เคฎेเคฐिเค•ा เค•ी เค…เคธเคฒी เคคाเค•เคค เคฎूเคฒ्เคฏ เคตเคฐ्เคงिเคค เคจिเคฐ्เคฏाเคค เคนै: เคธॉเคซ्เคŸเคตेเคฏเคฐ, เคนॉเคฒीเคตुเคก, เคถिเค•्เคทा, เค”เคฐ เคตिเคค्เคคीเคฏ เคธेเคตाเคं।

เคซिเคฐ เคญी เคŸ्เคฐंเคช เคช्เคฐเคถाเคธเคจ เคธिเคฐ्เคซ เคฎाเคฒ เค•े เคต्เคฏाเคชाเคฐ เค˜ाเคŸे เค•ी เคฌाเคค เค•เคฐเคคा เคนै। เคœเคฌเค•ि เคธเคš्เคšाเคˆ เคฏเคน เคนै เค•ि เค…เคฎेเคฐिเค•ा เค•ा เคธेเคตा เค•्เคทेเคค्เคฐ เคฎें เคฌเคก़ा เคต्เคฏाเคชाเคฐ เค…เคงिเคถेเคท เคนै। เค…เค—เคฐ เคนเคฎ เคธाเคฎाเคจ, เคธेเคตाเคं, เคช्เคฐเคค्เคฏเค•्เคท เคตिเคฆेเคถी เคจिเคตेเคถ เค”เคฐ เคฌौเคฆ्เคงिเค• เคธंเคชเคฆा เค•ो เคเค• เคธाเคฅ เคœोเคก़ें, เคคो เคถाเคฏเคฆ เค…เคฎेเคฐिเค•ा เค˜ाเคŸे เคฎें เคจเคนीं เคฌเคฒ्เค•ि เคฒाเคญ เคฎें เคญी เคนो เคธเค•เคคा เคนै।

เคฒेเค•िเคจ เค‡เคธเค•ा เคนเคฒ เคธिเคฐ्เคซ เคธंเค–्เคฏाเค“ं เคฎें เคจเคนीं เคนै। เคเค• เคจเคˆ เคตैเคถ्เคตिเค• เคต्เคฏाเคชाเคฐ เคธंเคฐเคšเคจा เคฎें เคนै, เคœो เคธเคญी เค•ो เคธाเคฅ เคฒेเค•เคฐ เคšเคฒे।


เคจ्เคฏाเคฏเคชूเคฐ्เคฃ เค”เคฐ เคธเคฎृเคฆ्เคง เคต्เคฏाเคชाเคฐ เคช्เคฐเคฃाเคฒी เค•ी เค“เคฐ

เค…เค—เคฐ เคนเคฎ เค…เคฎेเคฐिเค•ा เคฎें เคตिเคจिเคฐ्เคฎाเคฃ เค•ो เคซिเคฐ เคธे เคœीเคตिเคค เค•เคฐเคจा เคšाเคนเคคे เคนैं, เคตैเคถ्เคตिเค• เคฎเคœ़เคฆूเคฐी เค•ो เค—เคฐिเคฎा เคฆेเคจा เคšाเคนเคคे เคนैं, เค”เคฐ เคเค• เคŸिเค•ाเคŠ เคต्เคฏाเคชाเคฐ เคต्เคฏเคตเคธ्เคฅा เคšाเคนเคคे เคนैं, เคคो เคนเคฎें เคต्เคฏाเคชाเคฐ เค•ी เคฎूเคฒ เคชเคฐिเคญाเคทा เค•ो เคชुเคจः เค—เคข़เคจा เคนोเค—ा

เคฏเคน เค•िเคคाเคฌें เค‰เคธ เคšเคฐ्เคšा เค•ो เคถुเคฐू เค•เคฐเคจे เค•े เคฒिเค เค‰เคชเคฏोเค—ी เคนोंเค—ी:

๐Ÿ“˜ Rethinking Trade: A Blueprint for a Just and Thriving Global Economy
๐Ÿ“˜ The $500 Billion Pivot: How the India-US Alliance Can Reshape Global Trade
๐Ÿ“˜ Trump’s Trade War
๐Ÿ“˜ The 20% Growth Revolution: Nepal’s Path to Prosperity Through Kalkiism


เคจिเคท्เค•เคฐ्เคท: เค…เค—เคฒी เคฌ्เคฐेเคŸเคจ เคตुเคก्เคธ เคฌैเค เค• เค•ी เคœ़เคฐूเคฐเคค

1944 เคฎें เคนเคฎเคจे เคกॉเคฒเคฐ เค•ो เคšुเคจा। เค…เคฌ เค‰เคธเค•ी เค•ीเคฎเคค เคšुเค•ा เคฐเคนे เคนैं।

เค†เคœ เคœ़เคฐूเคฐเคค เคนै เคเค• เคจเคˆ เคฌ्เคฐेเคŸเคจ เคตुเคก्เคธ เคœैเคธी เคฌैเค เค• เค•ी—เคœเคนाँ เค•ोเคˆ เคเค• เคฆेเคถ เคจเคนीं, เคฌเคฒ्เค•ि เคฆुเคจिเคฏा เค•े เคธเคญी เคช्เคฐเคฎुเค– เคฆेเคถ เคเค• เคจ्เคฏाเคฏเคชूเคฐ्เคฃ, เคธเคฎाเคตेเคถी, เค”เคฐ เคธ्เคฅाเคฏी เคตैเคถ्เคตिเค• เคต्เคฏाเคชाเคฐ เคต्เคฏเคตเคธ्เคฅा เคฌเคจाเคं।

G30 เคตเคน เคญเคตिเคท्เคฏ เคนै। เคฌเคนुเคชเค•्เคทीเคฏเคคा เคนी เคฐाเคธ्เคคा เคนै। เคฎाเคจเคต เค—เคฐिเคฎा เค•े เคธाเคฅ เคถ्เคฐเคฎ เคต्เคฏाเคชाเคฐ เค•ी เค†เคตเคถ्เคฏเค•เคคा เคนै। เค”เคฐ เค…เคฎेเคฐिเค•ी เคตिเคจिเคฐ्เคฎाเคฃ เค•ो เคตाเคชเคธ เคฒाเคจे เค•ा เคคเคฐीเค•ा เคธ्เคฎाเคฐ्เคŸ เคจीเคคि เค”เคฐ เคธाเคेเคฆाเคฐी เคนै, เคจ เค•ि เคชुเคฐाเคจी เคธोเคš เค”เคฐ เคœ़เคฌเคฐเคฆเคธ्เคคी।

เค†เค‡เค, เค‡เคธ เคฌाเคคเคšीเคค เค•ी เคถुเคฐुเค†เคค เค•เคฐें।

✍️ เคชเคข़ें, เคธाเคा เค•เคฐें, เค”เคฐ เคธंเค—เค िเคค เคนों। เคœिเคธ เคต्เคฏाเคชाเคฐ เคช्เคฐเคฃाเคฒी เค•ी เคฆुเคจिเคฏा เค•ो เคœ़เคฐूเคฐเคค เคนै, เคตเคน เค–ुเคฆ เคจเคนीं เคฌเคจेเค—ी।





Monday, June 16, 2025

G7 + BRICS = G30: A Bold Vision for Global Cooperation in the 21st Century




G7 + BRICS = G30: A Bold Vision for Global Cooperation in the 21st Century

As we enter an era defined by rapid technological evolution, climate instability, and shifting economic power, our global governance structures must evolve to meet these historic challenges. The G7—long the club of industrialized Western powers—and BRICS—an emerging bloc representing the voices of the Global South—have both shaped the global agenda in their own ways. But now, the moment calls for something greater: a unified, inclusive, and purpose-driven G30.

Imagine a new global forum—not dominated by legacy powers, nor reactive to rising ones—but proactively inclusive. The G30 would bring together the thirty largest economies in the world—representing over 85% of global GDP, the bulk of humanity, and the vast majority of carbon emissions. This new assembly would replace outdated silos and rivalries with collective vision and responsibility.

Why is this necessary?

1. A New Trade Paradigm

Global trade today is fragmented. The era of bilateral dominance and closed trade blocs must give way to a more equitable model. As argued in Rethinking Trade: A Blueprint for a Just and Thriving Global Economy, we need trade rules that are fair, sustainable, and innovation-friendly. A G30 could set the standards for fair taxation, digital trade, carbon tariffs, and South-South cooperation—something neither G7 nor BRICS can do alone.

2. Climate Change: No Room for Fragmentation

Tackling climate change cannot be left to voluntary national commitments or Western-led coalitions. The G30 would include top polluters and top innovators—from the U.S., China, and India to the EU, Brazil, Indonesia, and South Africa. A collective climate compact forged by the G30 would have the credibility, legitimacy, and muscle to drive planetary-scale action.

3. AI and Existential Risk

AI safety isn’t just a tech issue—it’s a survival issue. With AI rapidly becoming a geopolitical weapon and commercial superpower, governance must keep pace. The G30 could institutionalize global AI safety standards, align incentives between nations, and ensure AI development remains human-centered and cooperative, not competitive and dangerous.


From Division to Design

The G7 reflects a post-WWII order. BRICS reflects a post-Cold War awakening. The G30 would reflect the post-carbon, post-scarcity, post-fragmentation world we must now build. Not a replacement of the UN, but a streamlined economic council of major powers working as a steering committee for Earth.

Annual summits could alternate between North and South, West and East. Representation could be balanced by population and GDP. Accountability could be ensured by civil society audits and open deliberations. 


The Road Ahead

This proposal is ambitious—but not utopian. The G20 already showed that broader formats work. A G30 would be the next step in building a new multilateralism—one fit for an interdependent world, where prosperity, peace, and planetary survival depend on cooperation, not control.

It’s time to move from posturing to partnership.
It’s time for the G30.

Explore more ideas like this in “Rethinking Trade: A Blueprint for a Just and Thriving Global Economy” → https://a.co/d/ac95v1i

Deported (novel)
Empty Country (novel)
Trump’s Default: The Mist Of Empire (novel)
The 20% Growth Revolution: Nepal’s Path to Prosperity Through Kalkiism
Rethinking Trade: A Blueprint for a Just and Thriving Global Economy
The $500 Billion Pivot: How the India-US Alliance Can Reshape Global Trade
Trump’s Trade War
Peace For Taiwan Is Possible
Formula For Peace In Ukraine
The Last Age of War, The First Age of Peace: Lord Kalki, Prophecies, and the Path to Global Redemption
AOC 2028: : The Future of American Progressivism


Designing the G30: A Functional Governance Structure for a New Global Order

If the G30—a proposed forum of the world’s 30 largest economies—is to do more than just issue ceremonial statements, it must have real power, legitimacy, and the ability to act. That means it needs a governance structure that is both fair and functional.

One proposed design includes a three-layer voting system:

  1. GDP (PPP)-Weighted Votes:
    Each country gets votes in proportion to its share of global GDP, adjusted for purchasing power parity.
    ๐ŸŸข Reflects economic weight and contribution.
    ๐Ÿ”ด Risks domination by the wealthiest nations.

  2. Population-Weighted Votes:
    Votes based on national population share.
    ๐ŸŸข Gives voice to populous nations like India, China, and Nigeria.
    ๐Ÿ”ด May dilute smaller countries’ influence or underrepresent innovation hubs.

  3. One-Country-One-Vote:
    Every country gets a single equal vote.
    ๐ŸŸข Guarantees sovereign equality.
    ๐Ÿ”ด Undermines the influence of countries with greater global responsibility or impact.


Pros of the Three-Layer Model

Balanced Representation:
It combines economic power, demographic weight, and national sovereignty—giving each country a seat and a stake.

Checks and Balances:
No single axis of power can dominate. The West, Global South, and smaller economies each gain a lever of influence.

Legitimacy:
People in the street, whether in Sรฃo Paulo or Seoul, can see themselves reflected in the G30’s decisions.


Cons and Concerns

⚠️ Complexity:
Three layers of voting can slow decision-making. Weighted votes require constant recalibration based on economic and demographic changes.

⚠️ Gridlock Risk:
If all three layers must agree for a motion to pass, decisions could stall. If only one or two layers are required, legitimacy may be questioned.

⚠️ Opaque Outcomes:
Translating votes across three systems into one policy decision might feel technocratic or hard to follow for the public.


Can It Be Simplified?

Here are three streamlined alternatives:

  1. Dual Chamber (Bicameral) System:

    • Economic Council: Votes based on GDP (PPP).

    • People’s Council: Votes based on population.

    • Legislation must pass both chambers.

    • Simpler than three layers, but still balances power and people.

  2. Rotating Leadership Model:

    • Executive functions rotate annually among regions.

    • Voting could still be weighted, but leadership ensures equity over time.

  3. Hybrid Weighted Voting:

    • A single formula combining GDP (PPP), population, and equal share.

    • For example: 40% GDP + 40% population + 20% equal vote.

    • Transparent, formulaic, and adaptable.


What Makes It Effective?

An effective G30 governance system would need:

  • Clear decision rules (e.g., supermajority, consensus, or weighted thresholds).

  • Permanent secretariat for continuity and policy follow-through.

  • Issue-specific working groups (e.g., climate, AI safety, trade reform).

  • Dispute resolution mechanism, potentially binding.

  • Annual summit + quarterly digital coordination.


Final Thought

The G30 must walk a tightrope between efficiency and legitimacy. Too simple, and it risks becoming a rubber stamp for powerful countries. Too complex, and it becomes paralyzed by procedure.

The three-layer model—if designed well—could offer a uniquely balanced foundation for 21st-century global governance. But it must be built not just for representation, but for results.

We don’t just need another club. We need a functioning compass for the planet.

Explore more global governance ideas in “Rethinking Trade: A Blueprint for a Just and Thriving Global Economy” → https://a.co/d/ac95v1i

Liquid Computing: The Future of Human-Tech Symbiosis
Velocity Money: Crypto, Karma, and the End of Traditional Economics
The Next Decade of Biotech: Convergence, Innovation, and Transformation
Beyond Motion: How Robots Will Redefine The Art Of Movement
ChatGPT For Business: A Workbook
Becoming an AI-First Organization
Quantum Computing: Applications And Implications
Challenges In AI Safety
AI-Era Social Network: Reimagined for Truth, Trust & Transformation

Remote Work Productivity Hacks
How to Make Money with AI Tools
AI for Beginners

Wednesday, June 11, 2025

What If the G7 Became G8 with India? Geopolitical Implications of a Seismic Shift

 

What If the G7 Became G8 with India? Geopolitical Implications of a Seismic Shift

In the complex dance of global diplomacy, groupings like the G7 act as both symbols and mechanisms of global power coordination. Originally a club of the world’s most advanced industrial democracies, the G7 has been central to setting the global economic and political agenda since the 1970s. But the world has changed—and fast. If India were to be invited as a permanent member and the G7 transformed into a G8, it would mark one of the most significant geopolitical shifts of the 21st century. Here’s what it could mean for global power structures, diplomacy, and economic alignment.


1. Legitimizing the Multipolar World Order

The G7 has long been criticized for being outdated and Eurocentric, especially as emerging economies—particularly India and China—have grown in economic and strategic importance. Including India would lend greater legitimacy to the group by acknowledging the rise of the Global South and the shift toward a multipolar world. It would demonstrate that the G7 is willing to adapt to 21st-century realities, not cling to Cold War-era alignments.


2. Counterbalancing China, Strategically

India’s inclusion would be geopolitically significant as a democratic counterweight to China in Asia. While the G7 is not a military alliance, it is deeply involved in shaping global norms, economic systems, and diplomatic consensus. India, sharing border tensions and strategic competition with China, would likely align with existing G7 members on issues like Indo-Pacific security, technological governance, and supply chain resilience. This move could further tilt the global balance of power away from authoritarian influence.


3. Reinforcing the Democratic Bloc

A G8 with India would represent an even more formidable bloc of liberal democracies, spanning North America, Europe, and now South Asia. In a time when democracy is under strain globally, India’s presence would allow the G8 to project democratic solidarity on issues ranging from digital governance and free speech to human rights and press freedom—though India's own democratic trajectory would likely come under increased scrutiny from its peers.


4. Shifting Trade and Economic Dynamics

India is not yet a high-income country, but it is on track to become the third-largest economy by the end of this decade. With a large, young population and a growing tech sector, India’s inclusion would reshape G8 trade discussions, investment frameworks, and digital economy strategies. The G8 could evolve into a more inclusive economic forum where not just established markets, but fast-growing ones, shape the rules of global commerce.


5. Weakening BRICS Cohesion

India is also a prominent member of BRICS—a group that includes China and Russia, and increasingly serves as a geopolitical counterweight to the West. A formal G8 seat would signal India’s deeper tilt toward the Western bloc, potentially weakening the cohesion of BRICS and raising questions about its long-term strategic relevance. India would likely insist that its relationships remain non-exclusive, but the symbolism would be powerful.


6. Energy and Climate Policy Gains

India’s participation would bring a fresh and crucial perspective to climate discussions. As a rapidly industrializing nation facing both extreme climate vulnerability and energy poverty, India could bridge the gap between rich countries pushing for net-zero targets and developing countries prioritizing energy access. This could lead to more realistic, globally fair climate frameworks.


7. Pressure to Reform Global Institutions

India’s G8 membership could accelerate calls to reform other global institutions like the UN Security Council, World Bank, and IMF. With India at the table, the argument that post-World War II institutions no longer reflect modern power structures would be harder to ignore. It might serve as a catalyst for overdue structural reforms, especially in global financial governance.


8. Cultural and Civilizational Influence

India’s inclusion wouldn’t just be about power metrics. It would symbolize a deeper acceptance of civilizational diversity in the global leadership table. As the world’s largest democracy with an ancient and unique civilizational identity, India could help shape global narratives around pluralism, spirituality, and digital ethics—offering something distinctly different from the Atlantic worldview.


Challenges Ahead

However, India’s inclusion wouldn’t be frictionless. Differences on trade protectionism, Russia policy, and digital regulation could lead to clashes. India's stance on issues like non-alignment and its historical ties with countries like Iran and Russia might complicate consensus within the G8. Yet, robust debate within a larger, more diverse group could make the G8 more resilient and globally relevant.


Conclusion: A Necessary Evolution

If the G7 becomes G8 with India, it would be more than an expansion—it would be a transformation. It would mark a turning point in the West’s willingness to share power and co-create a new rules-based order. In doing so, it might not only enhance global stability but also reflect the true diversity and complexity of today’s interconnected world. The only question is: will the existing powers make room at the table, or wait for the table itself to become irrelevant?


Has the time come for a G8 with India? Perhaps. Or perhaps the future lies in building a truly inclusive G20+. But one thing is certain: India is no longer a country that global leadership forums can afford to overlook.

Trump’s Default: The Mist Of Empire (novel)
The 20% Growth Revolution: Nepal’s Path to Prosperity Through Kalkiism
Rethinking Trade: A Blueprint for a Just and Thriving Global Economy
The $500 Billion Pivot: How the India-US Alliance Can Reshape Global Trade
Trump’s Trade War
Peace For Taiwan Is Possible
Formula For Peace In Ukraine
The Last Age of War, The First Age of Peace: Lord Kalki, Prophecies, and the Path to Global Redemption
AOC 2028: : The Future of American Progressivism