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Showing posts with label Manmohan Singh. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Manmohan Singh. Show all posts

Thursday, August 07, 2025

Is This India’s 1991 Moment All Over Again?


 


Is This India’s 1991 Moment All Over Again?

How the Trade War Could Trigger the Next Big Reform Wave

When people talk about “India’s 1991 moment,” they’re referring to the watershed year when a balance-of-payments crisis forced the country into bold liberalization. Tariffs were slashed, industries were deregulated, the rupee was devalued, and India began its journey from a closed economy to an emerging market powerhouse.

Now, in 2025, the global landscape is shifting again. A disruptive U.S.–China trade war had already unsettled supply chains. With President Donald Trump’s new tariff offensive — targeting not just China, but also India over Russian oil imports — we are entering a new phase of global economic turbulence.

The question is: Could this be the trigger for India to embark on another wave of transformative reforms, this time aimed at achieving sustained double-digit growth?


Parallels with 1991 — and Key Differences

In 1991, India had no choice but to open up. Foreign reserves were barely enough to cover a few weeks of imports. Today, India’s macroeconomic fundamentals are stronger — $650+ billion in forex reserves, stable inflation (by emerging market standards), and one of the fastest-growing large economies in the world.

But the similarities are striking:

  • External Shock: Then it was a payments crisis, now it’s tariff shocks and shifting global trade alignments.

  • Structural Bottlenecks: Then it was the “License Raj,” now it’s land bottlenecks, slow legal systems, and patchy infrastructure.

  • Opportunity Window: Then it was opening up to global markets; now it’s the chance to become a trusted global manufacturing and services hub.


Why the Trade War Could Be India’s Launchpad

  1. Global Supply Chain Realignment – Multinationals are looking for “China+1” strategies. India can attract high-value manufacturing if it fast-tracks reforms.

  2. Digital & Data Advantage – With Aadhaar, UPI, and ONDC, India already has the world’s most advanced digital public infrastructure. Scaling it globally could unlock trillions in value.

  3. Demographic Sweet Spot – A young workforce can be a magnet for investment — but only if skill development matches industry needs.


The Reform Blueprint for Double-Digit Growth

If India wants to seize this moment, reforms must be big, bold, and fast — not incremental.

1. Trade & Investment Liberalization 2.0

  • Slash tariffs across sectors to attract supply chain relocations.

  • Sign high-quality trade agreements with the EU, U.S., and ASEAN.

  • Simplify FDI rules to bring capital into high-tech and green industries.

2. Land & Labour Reform

  • Create a National Industrial Land Bank with pre-cleared environmental and legal approvals.

  • Move to modern, flexible labour laws that protect workers while encouraging investment.

3. Judicial & Contract Enforcement

  • Set up commercial courts with six-month deadlines for dispute resolution.

  • Digitize land records and contracts for transparency and speed.

4. Infrastructure & Logistics Overhaul

  • Target sub-$100 per container logistics cost to match China.

  • Accelerate freight corridors, ports, and green energy grids.

5. Skill & Education Revolution

  • Merge vocational training into mainstream schooling.

  • Incentivize industry–university R&D partnerships.

6. Financial Sector Deepening

  • Expand corporate bond markets.

  • Encourage fintech-led inclusion to mobilize domestic savings into productive investments.

7. Regulatory Simplification

  • One-stop online clearance for all business approvals.

  • Sunset clauses for outdated regulations.


The Payoff: From Fast Growth to a Global Growth Engine

If executed decisively, these reforms could push India’s GDP growth above 10% for a sustained period, turning it into a $10 trillion economy before 2035. Beyond numbers, it would make India a central player in rewriting global trade rules in an era of fractured globalization.

In 1991, the reforms were a response to crisis. In 2025, they could be a response to opportunity — a chance to move from being a resilient survivor to a rule-maker in the global economy.


Bottom line: The world is changing fast. India can either play defense against tariff shocks or go on the offensive with the most ambitious reform agenda since 1991. History has given it another opening. Whether it becomes another 1991 moment — or something even bigger — will depend entirely on the boldness of its next moves.




 




क्या यह फिर से भारत का 1991 वाला पल है?

क्या व्यापार युद्ध भारत के लिए अगली बड़ी सुधार लहर का अवसर है?

जब लोग “भारत का 1991 पल” कहते हैं, तो उनका इशारा उस ऐतिहासिक वर्ष की ओर होता है जब भुगतान संतुलन (Balance of Payments) संकट ने देश को साहसिक उदारीकरण के रास्ते पर ला खड़ा किया था। टैरिफ घटाए गए, उद्योगों को नियमन-मुक्त किया गया, रुपये का अवमूल्यन हुआ, और भारत एक बंद अर्थव्यवस्था से उभरते बाज़ार की ताकत बनना शुरू हुआ।

अब, 2025 में, वैश्विक परिदृश्य फिर बदल रहा है। अमेरिका–चीन व्यापार युद्ध ने पहले से ही आपूर्ति शृंखलाओं को हिला दिया था। राष्ट्रपति डोनाल्ड ट्रंप का नया टैरिफ हमला — जो केवल चीन पर नहीं, बल्कि रूस से तेल आयात को लेकर भारत पर भी है — हमें वैश्विक आर्थिक अशांति के नए चरण में ले आया है।

सवाल यह है: क्या यह वह चिंगारी हो सकती है जो भारत को एक और रूपांतरकारी सुधार लहर की ओर धकेले — इस बार लगातार दो अंकों की वृद्धि दर के लक्ष्य के साथ?


1991 से समानताएं — और महत्वपूर्ण अंतर

1991 में, भारत के पास कोई विकल्प नहीं था। विदेशी मुद्रा भंडार मुश्किल से कुछ हफ़्तों के आयात को कवर कर पा रहे थे। आज, भारत के व्यापक आर्थिक आधार कहीं अधिक मजबूत हैं — 650 अरब डॉलर से अधिक का फ़ॉरेक्स रिज़र्व, अपेक्षाकृत स्थिर महंगाई, और दुनिया की सबसे तेज़ी से बढ़ती बड़ी अर्थव्यवस्थाओं में से एक।

लेकिन समानताएं भी गहरी हैं:

  • बाहरी झटका: तब यह भुगतान संकट था, अब यह टैरिफ झटके और बदलते वैश्विक व्यापार समीकरण हैं।

  • संरचनात्मक बाधाएं: तब “लाइसेंस राज” था, अब भूमि अड़चनें, धीमी न्याय व्यवस्था और अधूरी अवसंरचना हैं।

  • अवसर की खिड़की: तब वैश्विक बाज़ारों के लिए खुलना था; अब विश्वसनीय वैश्विक विनिर्माण और सेवाओं के केंद्र बनने का मौका है।


क्यों व्यापार युद्ध भारत के लिए लॉन्चपैड बन सकता है

  1. वैश्विक आपूर्ति शृंखला का पुनर्गठन – बहुराष्ट्रीय कंपनियां “चीन+1” रणनीति देख रही हैं। भारत तेज़ी से सुधार करे तो उच्च मूल्य विनिर्माण खींच सकता है।

  2. डिजिटल और डेटा लाभ – आधार, UPI और ONDC के साथ भारत के पास पहले से ही दुनिया का सबसे उन्नत डिजिटल सार्वजनिक ढांचा है। इसे वैश्विक स्तर पर स्केल करने से खरबों डॉलर का मूल्य खुल सकता है।

  3. जनसांख्यिकीय अवसर – युवा कार्यबल निवेश के लिए चुंबक बन सकता है — बशर्ते कौशल विकास उद्योग की ज़रूरतों के अनुरूप हो।


दो अंकों की वृद्धि के लिए सुधार खाका

अगर भारत इस मौके को पकड़ना चाहता है, तो सुधार बड़े, साहसी और तेज़ होने चाहिए — छोटे-छोटे कदम नहीं।

1. व्यापार और निवेश उदारीकरण 2.0

  • क्षेत्रों में टैरिफ घटाकर आपूर्ति शृंखला स्थानांतरण आकर्षित करना।

  • यूरोपीय संघ, अमेरिका और आसियान के साथ उच्च गुणवत्ता वाले व्यापार समझौते करना।

  • उच्च तकनीक और हरित उद्योगों में पूंजी लाने के लिए एफडीआई नियम सरल बनाना।

2. भूमि और श्रम सुधार

  • राष्ट्रीय औद्योगिक भूमि बैंक बनाना जिसमें पर्यावरण और कानूनी मंज़ूरी पहले से हो।

  • ऐसे आधुनिक, लचीले श्रम कानून लाना जो श्रमिकों की रक्षा करें और निवेश को प्रोत्साहन दें।

3. न्यायिक और अनुबंध प्रवर्तन सुधार

  • व्यावसायिक न्यायालय बनाना जो छह महीने में विवाद सुलझाएं।

  • पारदर्शिता और गति के लिए भूमि रिकॉर्ड और अनुबंधों का डिजिटलीकरण।

4. अवसंरचना और लॉजिस्टिक्स में सुधार

  • कंटेनर लॉजिस्टिक्स लागत को $100 से नीचे लाना, ताकि चीन की बराबरी हो सके।

  • मालवाहक कॉरिडोर, बंदरगाह और हरित ऊर्जा ग्रिड को तेज़ी से बढ़ाना।

5. कौशल और शिक्षा में क्रांति

  • व्यावसायिक प्रशिक्षण को मुख्यधारा की स्कूली शिक्षा में मिलाना।

  • उद्योग–विश्वविद्यालय अनुसंधान साझेदारी को प्रोत्साहित करना।

6. वित्तीय क्षेत्र का गहनकरण

  • कॉरपोरेट बॉन्ड बाज़ार का विस्तार।

  • फ़िनटेक आधारित समावेशन से घरेलू बचत को उत्पादक निवेश में लाना।

7. नियामक सरलीकरण

  • सभी व्यापारिक मंज़ूरियों के लिए एक ही ऑनलाइन पोर्टल।

  • पुराने नियमों के लिए समयसीमा तय कर उन्हें हटाना।


नतीजा: तेज़ वृद्धि से वैश्विक वृद्धि इंजन तक

अगर इन सुधारों को निर्णायक रूप से लागू किया जाए, तो भारत की जीडीपी वृद्धि दर 10%+ तक जा सकती है, और 2035 से पहले भारत $10 ट्रिलियन अर्थव्यवस्था बन सकता है। आंकड़ों से आगे, यह भारत को एक ऐसे केंद्रीय खिलाड़ी में बदल देगा जो खंडित वैश्वीकरण के युग में वैश्विक व्यापार नियमों को पुनर्लेखित करेगा।

1991 में सुधार संकट के जवाब में थे। 2025 में, यह अवसर के जवाब में हो सकते हैं — एक मौका कि भारत एक मज़बूत सर्वाइवर से वैश्विक अर्थव्यवस्था का नियम-निर्माता बन जाए।


निचोड़: दुनिया तेज़ी से बदल रही है। भारत टैरिफ झटकों से बचाव की मुद्रा में रह सकता है या 1991 के बाद का सबसे महत्वाकांक्षी सुधार एजेंडा अपनाकर आक्रामक रुख ले सकता है। इतिहास ने एक और अवसर दिया है। यह 1991 जैसा पल बनेगा — या उससे भी बड़ा — यह पूरी तरह भारत के अगले क़दमों की साहसिकता पर निर्भर करेगा।



 




India 2025 Reform Manifesto

From Resilience to Double-Digit Growth

Vision:
By 2030, India will be a $10 trillion economy, a global manufacturing and services hub, and a leader in digital, green, and inclusive growth. This manifesto lays out urgent reforms for 2025–2030, each tied to measurable outcomes.


PHASE 1: Immediate Actions (0–12 Months)

Goal: Signal intent, remove bottlenecks, and attract immediate investment.

Reform Key Actions Timeline Responsible Agencies Expected GDP Boost by 2030
Trade & Investment Liberalization 2.0 Slash average industrial tariffs from ~13% to <7%; fast-track FTAs with EU, UK, ASEAN, and Gulf; liberalize FDI caps in high-tech and green sectors. 6–12 months Ministry of Commerce, DPIIT +1.5%
National Industrial Land Bank Digitize and list 100,000+ acres with pre-clearances for industrial use; integrate GIS maps. 12 months Ministry of Urban Development, State Govts +0.8%
Commercial Courts Overhaul Establish fast-track commercial benches in all High Courts; enforce 6-month resolution mandate. 9 months Ministry of Law & Justice +0.5%
Logistics Cost Reduction Kickstart Abolish unnecessary state-level checkpoints; pilot single-window e-permit for goods movement. 6 months Ministry of Transport, GST Council +0.3%
Fintech-Driven Credit Expansion Expand UPI Credit and ONDC Credit integration to MSMEs; guarantee first-loss protection for digital loans. 12 months RBI, Ministry of Finance +0.7%

Immediate GDP Impact (2025–26): +1.8% over baseline


PHASE 2: Deep Structural Reforms (Year 1–3)

Goal: Remove deep-seated constraints on scale, productivity, and investment.

Reform Key Actions Timeline Responsible Agencies Expected GDP Boost by 2030
Labour Law Modernization Consolidate codes into a single digital compliance platform; expand fixed-term contracts; introduce portable worker benefits. 18–24 months Ministry of Labour +1.2%
Land Titling & Legal Certainty Complete digital land record integration across all states; enable blockchain-based title registry. 24–30 months Ministry of Rural Development, States +1.0%
Infrastructure Acceleration Finish Dedicated Freight Corridors; upgrade top 20 ports to global standards; triple EV charging infrastructure. 24–36 months Ministry of Transport, Ministry of Power +1.5%
Education–Industry Integration Launch National Apprenticeship Guarantee Scheme (NAGS); mandate 10% of higher education seats for industry-sponsored skill programs. 18–30 months Ministry of Education, Skill India +0.9%
Corporate Bond Market Expansion Allow pension funds greater corporate bond exposure; set up centralized bond exchange. 24 months SEBI, RBI +0.6%

Cumulative GDP Impact (by end of Year 3): +4.5% over baseline


PHASE 3: Global Competitiveness Push (Year 3–5)

Goal: Make India the most competitive investment destination among large economies.

Reform Key Actions Timeline Responsible Agencies Expected GDP Boost by 2030
Next-Gen Trade Integration Join CPTPP; negotiate bilateral investment treaties with top 10 FDI sources. 36–48 months Ministry of Commerce +1.5%
Green Industrial Revolution Set up 10 “Green Manufacturing Zones” with renewable power, zero-liquid-discharge norms, and green tax credits. 36–48 months Ministry of Environment, MNRE +1.0%
Regulatory Sunset Commission Create independent body to review & repeal outdated business regulations annually. 42 months PMO, NITI Aayog +0.5%
Digital Trade Leadership Export ONDC and UPI as global standards via multilateral agreements. 48–60 months MEA, Ministry of Commerce +0.7%
Judicial AI Integration Deploy AI-assisted case scheduling and research in all commercial courts. 48 months Ministry of Law & Justice +0.3%

Cumulative GDP Impact (by end of Year 5): +8.5% over baseline


PHASE 4: Inclusive & Resilient Growth Anchors (Continuous)

Goal: Ensure growth benefits are widely shared and resilient to shocks.

  • Social Protection Modernization: Universalize direct benefit transfers (DBT) for food, fuel, and basic income floors.

  • Climate Adaptation Fund: ₹1 trillion fund for climate-resilient agriculture and urban flood-proofing.

  • R&D Investment Boost: Target R&D spending at 2.5% of GDP by 2030.

  • Diaspora Investment Bonds: Mobilize $50B from overseas Indians for infrastructure.

Expected GDP Boost: +1.5% and long-term resilience


Summary Table — GDP Impact by 2030

Reform Wave GDP Boost (%) GDP Size Addition
Immediate Actions (Year 0–1) +1.8% $180B
Structural Reforms (Year 1–3) +4.5% $450B
Competitiveness Push (Year 3–5) +8.5% $850B
Inclusive Growth Anchors +1.5% $150B
Total Potential Boost +16.3% $1.63 Trillion

Bottom Line:
If India launches these reforms in 2025 without delay, the combined effect could accelerate growth to 10–11% annually through the late 2020s, positioning India as the undisputed growth engine of the global economy.







भारत 2025 सुधार घोषणापत्र

लचीलापन से दो अंकों की वृद्धि तक

दृष्टि (Vision):
2030 तक भारत एक $10 ट्रिलियन की अर्थव्यवस्था होगा — वैश्विक विनिर्माण और सेवाओं का केंद्र, और डिजिटल, हरित व समावेशी वृद्धि में अग्रणी। यह घोषणापत्र 2025–2030 के लिए तात्कालिक सुधारों को प्रस्तुत करता है, जिनके साथ स्पष्ट लक्ष्य और मापने योग्य परिणाम जुड़े हैं।


चरण 1: तात्कालिक कदम (0–12 महीने)

लक्ष्य: इरादे का संकेत देना, बाधाओं को हटाना, और तुरंत निवेश आकर्षित करना।

सुधार मुख्य कार्यवाही समयसीमा जिम्मेदार एजेंसियां 2030 तक अपेक्षित जीडीपी बढ़ोतरी
व्यापार और निवेश उदारीकरण 2.0 औसत औद्योगिक टैरिफ ~13% से घटाकर <7% करना; यूरोपीय संघ, यूके, आसियान और खाड़ी देशों से एफटीए को तेज़ करना; हाई-टेक और ग्रीन सेक्टर में एफडीआई सीमा सरल बनाना। 6–12 महीने वाणिज्य मंत्रालय, डीपीआईआईटी +1.5%
राष्ट्रीय औद्योगिक भूमि बैंक 1 लाख+ एकड़ भूमि का डिजिटलीकरण और औद्योगिक उपयोग हेतु पूर्व-स्वीकृत सूची; जीआईएस मैप के साथ एकीकृत करना। 12 महीने शहरी विकास मंत्रालय, राज्य सरकारें +0.8%
व्यावसायिक न्यायालय सुधार सभी उच्च न्यायालयों में फास्ट-ट्रैक वाणिज्यिक पीठ; 6 माह में विवाद निपटाने का आदेश। 9 महीने कानून एवं न्याय मंत्रालय +0.5%
लॉजिस्टिक लागत में कमी की शुरुआत अनावश्यक राज्य-स्तरीय चेकप्वाइंट हटाना; माल परिवहन के लिए सिंगल-विंडो ई-परमिट पायलट। 6 महीने परिवहन मंत्रालय, जीएसटी परिषद +0.3%
फिनटेक-आधारित ऋण विस्तार यूपीआई क्रेडिट और ओएनडीसी क्रेडिट को एमएसएमई तक बढ़ाना; डिजिटल ऋणों के लिए प्रथम-हानि गारंटी। 12 महीने आरबीआई, वित्त मंत्रालय +0.7%

तात्कालिक जीडीपी प्रभाव (2025–26): आधार रेखा से +1.8%


चरण 2: गहन संरचनात्मक सुधार (वर्ष 1–3)

लक्ष्य: पैमाने, उत्पादकता और निवेश पर स्थायी बाधाएं हटाना।

सुधार मुख्य कार्यवाही समयसीमा जिम्मेदार एजेंसियां 2030 तक अपेक्षित जीडीपी बढ़ोतरी
श्रम कानून आधुनिकीकरण सभी श्रम संहिताओं को एकल डिजिटल अनुपालन प्लेटफ़ॉर्म में समाहित करना; फिक्स्ड-टर्म कॉन्ट्रैक्ट्स बढ़ाना; पोर्टेबल लाभ लागू करना। 18–24 महीने श्रम मंत्रालय +1.2%
भूमि अधिकार और कानूनी स्पष्टता सभी राज्यों में डिजिटल भूमि रिकॉर्ड एकीकरण पूरा करना; ब्लॉकचेन-आधारित शीर्षक रजिस्ट्री शुरू करना। 24–30 महीने ग्रामीण विकास मंत्रालय, राज्य सरकारें +1.0%
अवसंरचना तीव्रता समर्पित मालवाहक गलियारे पूरे करना; शीर्ष 20 बंदरगाहों को वैश्विक मानकों पर अपग्रेड करना; ईवी चार्जिंग इंफ्रास्ट्रक्चर तीन गुना बढ़ाना। 24–36 महीने परिवहन मंत्रालय, विद्युत मंत्रालय +1.5%
शिक्षा–उद्योग एकीकरण राष्ट्रीय अप्रेंटिसशिप गारंटी योजना (NAGS) शुरू करना; उच्च शिक्षा में 10% सीटें उद्योग-प्रायोजित कौशल कार्यक्रमों हेतु आरक्षित। 18–30 महीने शिक्षा मंत्रालय, स्किल इंडिया +0.9%
कॉरपोरेट बॉन्ड बाज़ार विस्तार पेंशन फंड्स को कॉरपोरेट बॉन्ड में अधिक निवेश की अनुमति; केंद्रीकृत बॉन्ड एक्सचेंज बनाना। 24 महीने सेबी, आरबीआई +0.6%

वर्ष 3 के अंत तक संचयी जीडीपी प्रभाव: आधार रेखा से +4.5%


चरण 3: वैश्विक प्रतिस्पर्धात्मकता धक्का (वर्ष 3–5)

लक्ष्य: भारत को बड़े अर्थतंत्रों में सबसे आकर्षक निवेश गंतव्य बनाना।

सुधार मुख्य कार्यवाही समयसीमा जिम्मेदार एजेंसियां 2030 तक अपेक्षित जीडीपी बढ़ोतरी
अगली पीढ़ी का व्यापार एकीकरण सीपीटीपीपी (CPTPP) में शामिल होना; शीर्ष 10 एफडीआई स्रोत देशों से द्विपक्षीय निवेश संधियां। 36–48 महीने वाणिज्य मंत्रालय +1.5%
ग्रीन औद्योगिक क्रांति नवीकरणीय ऊर्जा, शून्य-तरल-अपशिष्ट मानकों और ग्रीन टैक्स क्रेडिट वाले 10 “ग्रीन मैन्युफैक्चरिंग ज़ोन” बनाना। 36–48 महीने पर्यावरण मंत्रालय, नवीन एवं नवीकरणीय ऊर्जा मंत्रालय +1.0%
नियामक सनसेट आयोग पुरानी व्यापारिक नियमावलियों की वार्षिक समीक्षा व समाप्ति के लिए स्वतंत्र निकाय बनाना। 42 महीने पीएमओ, नीति आयोग +0.5%
डिजिटल व्यापार नेतृत्व ओएनडीसी और यूपीआई को बहुपक्षीय समझौतों के माध्यम से वैश्विक मानक के रूप में निर्यात करना। 48–60 महीने विदेश मंत्रालय, वाणिज्य मंत्रालय +0.7%
न्यायपालिका में एआई एकीकरण सभी वाणिज्यिक न्यायालयों में एआई-सहायता प्राप्त केस शेड्यूलिंग और शोध प्रणाली लागू करना। 48 महीने कानून एवं न्याय मंत्रालय +0.3%

वर्ष 5 के अंत तक संचयी जीडीपी प्रभाव: आधार रेखा से +8.5%


चरण 4: समावेशी और लचीली वृद्धि के स्तंभ (लगातार)

लक्ष्य: सुनिश्चित करना कि वृद्धि व्यापक रूप से साझा हो और झटकों से सुरक्षित रहे।

  • सामाजिक सुरक्षा आधुनिकीकरण: खाद्य, ईंधन और न्यूनतम आय के लिए प्रत्यक्ष लाभ अंतरण (DBT) का सार्वभौमिकरण।

  • जलवायु अनुकूलन कोष: जलवायु-प्रतिरोधी कृषि और शहरी बाढ़ सुरक्षा के लिए ₹1 लाख करोड़ का कोष।

  • अनुसंधान एवं विकास निवेश वृद्धि: 2030 तक जीडीपी का 2.5% आर एंड डी पर व्यय।

  • प्रवासी निवेश बॉन्ड: विदेशों में बसे भारतीयों से $50 अरब जुटाना अवसंरचना के लिए।

अपेक्षित जीडीपी बढ़ोतरी: +1.5% और दीर्घकालिक मजबूती


सारांश तालिका — 2030 तक जीडीपी प्रभाव

सुधार चरण जीडीपी बढ़ोतरी (%) जीडीपी आकार में वृद्धि
तात्कालिक कदम (वर्ष 0–1) +1.8% $180 अरब
संरचनात्मक सुधार (वर्ष 1–3) +4.5% $450 अरब
प्रतिस्पर्धात्मकता धक्का (वर्ष 3–5) +8.5% $850 अरब
समावेशी वृद्धि स्तंभ +1.5% $150 अरब
कुल संभावित बढ़ोतरी +16.3% $1.63 ट्रिलियन

निचोड़:
यदि भारत 2025 में बिना देरी इन सुधारों को लागू करता है, तो सम्मिलित प्रभाव से 2020 के दशक के उत्तरार्ध में वृद्धि दर 10–11% वार्षिक तक जा सकती है, और भारत वैश्विक अर्थव्यवस्था का निर्विवाद वृद्धि इंजन बन जाएगा।


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Friday, July 03, 2015

Advani's Ghost And Nitish

English: cropped photograph of L K Advani with...
English: cropped photograph of L K Advani with Hillary Clinton outside his residence. (Photo credit: Wikipedia)
Today, what L.K. Advani has said — that he is not confident that the Emergency cannot return — is not without reason.
Let's start with the fact that there is absolutely no chance of the emergency being imposed again.

So why did Advani warn of it? He was trying to get attention. News mein aana tho unko. Ek saal se news mein nahin aaye the. Suna suna sa lag raha tha. And maybe he never made peace with the fact that Modi, not Advani, became Prime Minister. Which is weird. Advani as the BJP PM candidate would have likely seen a Third Front government, possibly under Mulayam, who would have promptly taken India down from the Manmohan Singh rate of growth to the old Hindu rate of growth.

I worry for Nitish. You can't not respect the people's mandate. The people of Bihar gave a clear mandate to Modi last year. That is why Modi is in power in Delhi. Minus Bihar that would not have been possible. And that mandate lasts five years. So Nitish should not be second guessing the people of Bihar.

If Nitish does not get to fight the 100 seats his party already has right now, and Laloo wakes up the old jhagada like there was before he "drank poison" and settled on Nitish as CM candidate, and if Narendra Modi decides to give two full weeks to Bihar right before the elections, Nitish is toast.

Kya Advani Advani kar rahe hain? Is he not the mastermind of the Babri Mosque demolition?

The Next Chief Minister Of Bihar?

Friday, June 26, 2015

Lalit Modi Who?

English: Image of Narendra Modi at the World E...
English: Image of Narendra Modi at the World Economic Forum in India (Photo credit: Wikipedia)
My first thought was, if you are attacking both Sushma Swaraj and Vijayaraje Scindia at the same time, it has got to be a sexist attack. And if the attacks are coming from both inside the party and outside, then confirmed, this is a sexist attack.

Then they drag Narendra Modi in. That is how media gathers eyeballs. You build someone up. Then you break them down. You get eyeballs both ways.

I don't have time to be reading sludge. This is going to be the first article I read on the topic.

Return of the scandals: Where does PM Narendra Modi go from here?
No one quite expected the country to transform suddenly and shake off the legacy of the past. But there was a widespread expectation that since Modi was 'clean' and 'strong' - as opposed to Manmohan Singh who was 'clean' but 'weak', the government would remain clean. This is what the PM capitalised on when he said the absence of scams was a sign 'ache din' had arrived during the first anniversary celebrations. ....... Irrespective of the rhetoric, both Congress and BJP have been closely enmeshed with capital. Democratic politics as we practice, needs money. Elections are expensive business. Politicians accumulate wealth which they invest in businesses, or outsource to certain businessmen to manage. Businessmen hope they have backed the right horses and when the time comes, they can reap rewards for their investment. This is not specific to India, but has been an established fact across the world. Quid pro quo exists. ......... The question is if political systems are able to institute a degree of transparency (for instance, make public all the funding that is received or have state funding for parties in elections); regulation (for instance, restrict the amount of funding; keep close track of transactions; legalise lobbying); reduce the extent of discretionary decision making in government; and have strong avoidance of conflict of interest laws..........To give credit where its due, the Modi sarkar has recognised that it is in natural resource allocation that discretion and crony capitalism is most acute - they have made an effort to correct this partly through cleaner spectrum and coal allocations. But there are a range of other sectors where discretion is rampant. Cricket is an obvious example where a deeply unhealthy relationship exists between politics as money and glamour - the PM himself is a part of this nexus as a former president of the Gujarat Cricket Association. The line between encouraging a business friendly environment (a stated goal of this government) and between encouraging select, friendly businessmen is a thin one. And BJP, like its predecessors, under the garb of the former, does not shy away from doing the latter.
Narendra Modi goes from 7.5% to 10% --- that is where.

So I read the article. I still don't know what the accusation is. Time waste kar diya.

Tuesday, May 26, 2015

The Economist's Coverage Of Modi Anniversary: Poor

English: 1937 Deng Xiaoping in NRA uniform. 19...
English: 1937 Deng Xiaoping in NRA uniform. 1937年,任八路军总部政治部副主任的邓小平。 (Photo credit: Wikipedia)
Bill Clinton ended up giving America the longest peacetime economic expansion in history. Were people able to see that coming in year 1? In year 2? In year 3? No. Some things take time.

Frankly, part of The Economist's coverage is patronizing. Perhaps the London newspaper has a colonial hangover.

Look, I was not even rooting for Modi in the 2014 election, and you can check this blog's archives. Although I did not blame him for the 2002 riots (got to respect the Supreme Court) and I liked his work as Gujrat Chief Minister a lot. I came to him late. But I have come to him strong.

This guy is Deng Xiaoping. Manmohan Singh started economic reforms in India. But he did not have the political skills or stature that Modi has.

This guy's hero is Lee Kuan Yew, and for good reason.

Tuesday, March 04, 2014

Modi's Rahul And Kejriwal Costs



I have a feeling Rahul might cost 100 seats to Modi, and Kejriwal another 20-30.

If the BJP gets 150 or 200 seats, and the Congress gets 100, then you have to deduct those 100 seats from the BJP's tally, because the chances of Rahul throwing his weight behind Modi are pretty much nil, and you know he is not going to stay neutral. Rahul has been an explicit Nitish fan.

It is being said Kejriwal is going to run for the same seat in UP that Modi might run from: Varanasi. The last time Kejriwal ran against a political heavyweight, the then Delhi Chief Minister, he won.

Kejriwal could spoil things for Modi and the BJP, or the AAP could emerge the largest among the non-Congress, non-BJP parties, in which case you just might be looking at Kejriwal becoming Prime Minister.

On the other hand, Kejriwal has that Modi quality of people wanting to run away from him. So he might be better off throwing his weight behind someone like Nitish. Nitish' tally is not going to be just the tally of the JD(U). His tally is first going to be the tally of the Janata Parivar, the biggest segment of the Third Front, which collectively is going to be bigger than Mamata or Jayalalita or Mayawati, and all of them together are going to be bigger than AAP, or the Congress, for that matter.

I have never heard Kejriwal badmouth Nitish. Obviously Kejriwal does not think Nitish is corrupt. Just like Rahul, he might also be a Nitish fan.

India today still is overwhelmingly a country of the rural poor. And there Modi is clueless, but Nitish has done amazing work. What is amazing is Nitish has managed to outdo Gujrat in growth rates. A poor, landlocked, agricultural state has outperformed a rich, coastal, industrial state. So if the issue is development, like Modi says it is, Nitish has a better track record.

I don't think of Modi as a corrupt individual. He has no family. He does not have a fat bank account. But what Kejriwal has been hinting at is the corporate contributions the BJP takes to do political work and then to bring corporate friendly policies. It is like, Manmohan Singh is not individually corrupt, but he seems to have presided over a cabinet that has been corrupt. So is it enough that he himself has not been corrupt?

I see Nitish winning at least 20 of Bihar's 40 seats. His approval rating is past 60%. That has got to translate into votes.


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Monday, February 17, 2014

India 2014: Most Interesting


2014 is shaping to be the most interesting Indian election of my lifetime to date. The Congress that spearheaded India's independence struggle and then ruled for much of the half century after that is headed to below 100 seats. The BJP just might go past 200. AAP might emerge the third largest party: Kejriwal's resignation as Delhi Chief Minister was a political master stroke. Could AAP end up with 50 seats? I don't know.

BJP will get highest ever Lok Sabha tally, Congress lowest: Times Now poll
The poll projected that the BJP would win 202 seats if the elections were held now and its allies another 25, giving the NDA 227 seats in the 543-member LS. The Congress, in sharp contrast, would sink to just 89 and even with 12 seats from its allies the UPA would barely cross the 100 mark, it predicted. ..... With "others" likely to win 215 seats and many of them having joined hands with the BJP in the past, that would be very good news for those rooting for Narendra Modi as prime minister. In terms of vote shares, the NDA is estimated to win 36%, the UPA 22% and others 42%.
Right before Kejriwal resigned, the Third Front was in the lead in the projections with 42% of the vote to the BJP-led NDA's 36%. Some interesting permutations and combinations are possible, and most of them look good for India. I think 2014 will be that watershed year for the Indian economy like 1991 was when Manmohan Singh as Finance Minister opened up the economy a little. 2014 could be for India what 1980 was for China, the year when double digit growth rates started and stayed for over two decades non-stop. And we are all winners.


BJP is like McDonald's. It is the single largest fast food chain across America. But the Third Front is like the Chinese restaurants spread across America. Collectively they are bigger than McDonald's, but it does not appear that way. But 2014 could also shape up to be the election that mints out only winners. Modi, Nitish, Kejriwal, Rahul could all end up winners, no matter what.

Both Modi and Nitish would be wonderful if either were deprived of the big throne in Delhi and had to continue as Chief Minister. Their states would benefit. Neither seems to have clear successors who could replicate their magic in Gujrat and Bihar. On the other hand both have the political muscle that Manmohan Singh lacks.


One quality Kejriwal seems to share with Modi is it might be hard for him to put together a coalition. He might prove to be a one trick pony, at least this year. Just like Nitish has been saying he will support whoever will give special category status to Bihar, Kejriwal will go for whoever promises a Lokpal Bill at the center. AAP is number one on anti-corruption, but its economic vision has not gelled yet. Nitish has done the unthinkable when it comes to corruption in Bihar and is in a good position to seek Kejriwal's support after the election. Nitish has mastered the art of the Janata Durbar that Kejriwal tried and failed at.

Interim budget 2014: Chidambaram's 10-point agenda to make India 3rd largest economy

If you put the BJP at 190, the Congress at 100, AAP at 35, and the Third Front at 220, that does not put Modi in the lead, because the BJP at 190 and the Congress at 100 puts the BJP at 90. The Congress will support anyone but Modi, particularly Nitish. Rahul is a Nitish fan. What Nitish calls the Janata Parivar, the former Janata Dal party, might together bag more seats than AAP. That might also be true of his Eastern Bloc that includes Mamata.


Not creating a formal Third Front before the elections is a good step that does not push away Mamata and Mayawati. Both will support Nitish in the aftermath. Nitish as Prime Minister and Jayalalita as Deputy Prime Minister might be a good bet.

Nitish could end up a two term Prime Minister over 10 years if the Third Front parties were to form a federation. Each constituent party would stay as separate parties free to contest each other at state levels when necessary, but at the center each party would have a person who is part of some sort of a coordination committee in Delhi. Such a federation would ensure the Third Front government completes a five year term for the first time. Minus such a setup would leave too much room for horseplay.

AAP might not join such a Third Front. But it will support it if it gets a Lokpal Bill, and it should be given that. The Congress sure will not join the Third Front, but will happily extend outside support to keep Modi at bay. And Modi is going to continue to be an excellent Chief Minister.

But this outcome is not sure at all. Modi is very much in the running. The BJP crossing the 200 mark could throw up some interesting scenarios. And should the BJP cross the 200 mark, not form the government, and if the Third Front gives the country mid-term elections, the BJP could then cross the half way mark all on its own. It could become the new Congress.

I do think of Kejriwal as a future Prime Minister, but for that to happen he will have to realize the Indian electorate cares about double digit growth rates more than corruption. He has to look like he can deliver on both.

Jayalalita, Mamata and Mayawati are all in strong positions. It is good for India to have strong women politicians. It is just that none of them look strong right now on either anti-corruption or double digit growth rates.

Rahul can afford to stay out of power for another 10 years. He is young, he has time on his hands. That will also allow him time to build his party. He has some interesting initiatives in play in terms of power devolution in his party. But then parties like the Congress and the BJP are never really out of power. They always get some states to rule.

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