Wednesday, January 24, 2007
Somewhere along the way, Barack is going to have to give a speech like this one.
'I Believe in an America Where the Separation of Church and State is Absolute'
These are the real issues which should decide this campaign. And they are not religious issues--for war and hunger and ignorance and despair know no religious barriers.
But because I am a Catholic, and no Catholic has ever been elected President, the real issues in this campaign have been obscured--perhaps deliberately, in some quarters less responsible than this. So it is apparently necessary for me to state once again--not what kind of church I believe in, for that should be important only to me--but what kind of America I believe in.
I believe in an America where the separation of church and state is absolute--where no Catholic prelate would tell the President (should he be Catholic) how to act, and no Protestant minister would tell his parishioners for whom to vote--where no church or church school is granted any public funds or political preference--and where no man is denied public office merely because his religion differs from the President who might appoint him or the people who might elect him.
I believe in an America that is officially neither Catholic, Protestant nor Jewish--where no public official either requests or accepts instructions on public policy from the Pope, the National Council of Churches or any other ecclesiastical source--where no religious body seeks to impose its will directly or indirectly upon the general populace or the public acts of its officials--and where religious liberty is so indivisible that an act against one church is treated as an act against all.
For while this year it may be a Catholic against whom the finger of suspicion is pointed, in other years it has been, and may someday be again, a Jew--or a Quaker--or a Unitarian--or a Baptist. It was Virginia's harassment of Baptist preachers, for example, that helped lead to Jefferson's statute of religious freedom. Today I may be the victim--but tomorrow it may be you--until the whole fabric of our harmonious society is ripped at a time of great national peril.
Finally, I believe in an America where religious intolerance will someday end--where all men and all churches are treated as equal--where every man has the same right to attend or not attend the church of his choice--where there is no Catholic vote, no anti-Catholic vote, no bloc voting of any kind--and where Catholics, Protestants and Jews, at both the lay and pastoral level, will refrain from those attitudes of disdain and division which have so often marred their works in the past, and promote instead the American ideal of brotherhood.
That is the kind of America in which I believe. And it represents the kind of Presidency in which I believe--a great office that must neither be humbled by making it the instrument of any one religious group nor tarnished by arbitrarily withholding its occupancy from the members of any one religious group. I believe in a President whose religious views are his own private affair, neither imposed by him upon the nation or imposed by the nation upon him as a condition to holding that office.
I would not look with favor upon a President working to subvert the first amendment's guarantees of religious liberty. Nor would our system of checks and balances permit him to do so--and neither do I look with favor upon those who would work to subvert Article VI of the Constitution by requiring a religious test--even by indirection--for it. If they disagree with that safeguard they should be out openly working to repeal it.
I want a Chief Executive whose public acts are responsible to all groups and obligated to none--who can attend any ceremony, service or dinner his office may appropriately require of him--and whose fulfillment of his Presidential oath is not limited or conditioned by any religious oath, ritual or obligation.
This is the kind of America I believe in--and this is the kind I fought for in the South Pacific, and the kind my brother died for in Europe. No one suggested then that we may have a "divided loyalty," that we did "not believe in liberty," or that we belonged to a disloyal group that threatened the "freedoms for which our forefathers died."
And in fact this is the kind of America for which our forefathers died--when they fled here to escape religious test oaths that denied office to members of less favored churches--when they fought for the Constitution, the Bill of Rights, and the Virginia Statute of Religious Freedom--and when they fought at the shrine I visited today, the Alamo. For side by side with Bowie and Crockett died McCafferty and Bailey and Carey--but no one knows whether they were Catholic or not. For there was no religious test at the Alamo.
I ask you tonight to follow in that tradition--to judge me on the basis of my record of 14 years in Congress--on my declared stands against an Ambassador to the Vatican, against unconstitutional aid to parochial schools, and against any boycott of the public schools (which I have attended myself)--instead of judging me on the basis of these pamphlets and publications we all have seen that carefully select quotations out of context from the statements of Catholic church leaders, usually in other countries, frequently in other centuries, and always omitting, of course, the statement of the American Bishops in 1948 which strongly endorsed church-state separation, and which more nearly reflects the views of almost every American Catholic.
I do not consider these other quotations binding upon my public acts--why should you? But let me say, with respect to other countries, that I am wholly opposed to the state being used by any religious group, Catholic or Protestant, to compel, prohibit, or persecute the free exercise of any other religion. And I hope that you and I condemn with equal fervor those nations which deny their Presidency to Protestants and those which deny it to Catholics. And rather than cite the misdeeds of those who differ, I would cite the record of the Catholic Church in such nations as Ireland and France--and the independence of such statesmen as Adenauer and De Gaulle.
But let me stress again that these are my views--for contrary to common newspaper usage, I am not the Catholic candidate for President. I am the Democratic Party's candidate for President who happens also to be a Catholic. I do not speak for my church on public matters--and the church does not speak for me.
Whatever issue may come before me as President--on birth control, divorce, censorship, gambling or any other subject--I will make my decision in accordance with these views, in accordance with what my conscience tells me to be the national interest, and without regard to outside religious pressures or dictates. And no power or threat of punishment could cause me to decide otherwise.
But if the time should ever come--and I do not concede any conflict to be even remotely possible--when my office would require me to either violate my conscience or violate the national interest, then I would resign the office; and I hope any conscientious public servant would do the same.
But I do not intend to apologize for these views to my critics of either Catholic or Protestant faith--nor do I intend to disavow either my views or my church in order to win this election.
If I should lose on the real issues, I shall return to my seat in the Senate, satisfied that I had tried my best and was fairly judged. But if this election is decided on the basis that 40 million Americans lost their chance of being President on the day they were baptized, then it is the whole nation that will be the loser, in the eyes of Catholics and non-Catholics around the world, in the eyes of history, and in the eyes of our own people.
But if, on the other hand, I should win the election, then I shall devote every effort of mind and spirit to fulfilling the oath of the Presidency--practically identical, I might add, to the oath I have taken for 14 years in the Congress. For without reservation, I can "solemnly swear that I will faithfully execute the office of President of the United States, and will to the best of my ability preserve, protect, and defend the Constitution...so help me God.
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Some half a century ago another man stood to speak that this was a great country, and although a Catholic had not been elected to the highest office before, that his Catholic background should not be used against him, and he spoke forcefully to that effect.
I think this is a great country, and although we have had a chequered past, on race and gender issues and other issues of social importance, we have to renew our commitment to the basic principles, and we have to declare once and for all that neither race nor gender should be barriers to the highest office in the land, and the best qualified should win.
This is a brave, new century. We face enormous challenges as a country and so we deserve to throw the best at them. That applies to elected office as to any other endeavor.
We are engaged in a defining struggle with an Islamism that is an ideology perpetrated by a few thousand scattered in an ocean of hundreds of millions of desperately poor Muslims who just want the best by their families. Where military might shall be needed, we will fight hard and smart. We will do everything in our powers to protect this great country. We will foil any plans, disrupt any network. But at the end of the day, it is not about military conquests that necessarily kill innocent lives and offend the proud locals. Rather it is about spreading democracy the progressive way, through nonviolent movements perhaps spearheaded by those from those same countries who are already in America. War can also be waged with communications technology. War can be waged with human networks inspired by the ideals of democracy.
We face an energy crisis. If we went to the moon, we can solve the energy crisis. Optimism is a basic American trait.
Global warming is a looming threat, in the long run larger than the threats posed either by terrorism or nuclear proliferation. And this threat can only be tackled if all countries of the world come together and work together. The benefits of cross-cultural communication, empathy, and collaboration are today like never before tied to our very existence, as a country and as a species.
America has had its dark side, sure. One of them has been racism. Although not as virulent as it might have been 50 or 150 years ago, we as a country and a society still have a lot of work to do. If democracy is about equality, that equality must necessarily cut across racial, ethnic, and religious lines. If confronting racism were such a bad thing, the sky should have fallen for the white population after segregation was ended. The reverse happened. We all became better off. As we might struggle to take race relations in this country to a whole new level, we have to remember that lesson.
By birth I am half black, half white. By upbringing I am probably more white than black. But early in my teen years I learned to claim my black identity more fully for to the public eye I was unmistakably black. And I am proud of that. Yes, I am African American. I relate to the African American experience fully. And so should you claim your heritage, be it African, European, Asian or Latino. We are all better off for it. To those of you who are of European, and Asian and Latino heritages, I want you to know that I understand your heritage must mean much to you, because my heritage means much to me.
But I don't run as a black candidate. I am a candidate who happens to be black. To my mind, I run as the best qualified candidate, as the candidate best positioned to offer a generational change in leadership. The generation that was born right after World War II and came to age in the 60s has served, but for the new challenges we face, we necessarily need fresher perspectives.
There is talk of age and experience. John Kennedy was younger than I am when he was elected president, Abraham Lincoln had less experience. Noone was ready to be president before they became president. Only 43 individuals in history can truly claim to know what it means to be President of the United States. We can not go to them. A new age necessarily calls for a new leadership.
A country that is more comfortable with its racial and gender diversity will be a country more apt to the task of the enormous challenges we face. A multi-ethnic leadership is more suited to the challenges of a globalized world. A more tolerant country will be happier, richer, more productive, and will prove itself braver, bravery defined not only in terms when you flex your military muscle, but also bravery as when you decide not to flex that muscle because you judge military might will cause more harm than good, and in many cases will cause only harm.
The America that I know is the America that has brought me to where I stand, a black man running for the highest office in the land. That America has a good heart. That America will be willing to take a chance on me, although there might be elements in the media, and political spinmasters in the opposing camps who might muddy the waters, and make America look uglier than it is, I trust the American people to do right by me.
I am Barack Obama, a proud family man, and I want to be your president because together we can make a fundamental difference for the next generation to come.
Sunday, January 21, 2007
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Saturday, January 20, 2007
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Thursday, January 18, 2007
President: Barack Obama
Vice President: Hillary Clinton
Secretary Of State: Jennifer Granholm
Secretary Of Defense: Wesley Clark
Secretary Of Treasury: Carly Fiorina
Secretary Of Education: Mark Warner
Secretary Of Justice: Eliot Spitzer
Secretary Of Housing And Urban Development: John Edwards
Secretary Of Agriculture: Tom Vilsack
Secretary Of Transportation: Bill Richardson
Secretary Of Health And Human Services: Bobby Jindal
Secretary Of Commerce: James Cayne
Secretary Of Homeland Security: Rudy Giuliani
Secretary Of The Interior: Deval Patrick
Secretary Of Labor: Kathleen Sebelius
Secretary Of Energy: _________
Secretary Of Veteran Affairs: _________
Ambassador to Siberia: George W Bush
Hillary Rodham Clinton
Deval L. Patrick
Abraham Lincoln - Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia Lincoln was known for appointing his political rivals to high positions in his Cabinet to keep in line all factions of his party — and to let them battle each other and not combine against Lincoln. Historians agree that except for Cameron, it was a highly effective group.
John F. Kennedy
Franklin D. Roosevelt
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